农民工合法权益立法保护探讨

农民工是我国城市化高速发展形成的特殊群体,现已拥有2.5亿成员,他们对国家、社会贡献巨大,但尚未得到独立、平等、充分、有效的法律保护。实现农民工合法权益的立法保护,符合人权保障、法的正义价值、完善社会主义法律体系、现有法律和实践创新有机整合的要求,制定符合中国特色的《农民工权益保障法》已势在必行。     

Retaining the Quota System in the South Korean Rice Market

On 30 December 2004, the Korean government reached an agreement to postpone tariffs on the rice market until 2014 in exchange for a gradual increase in the minimum market access quota (the access to the Korean market by others based on a percentage of Korea's total consumption of rice). However, economic reasoning shows that if the Korean government had decided to introduce the tariff system instead, the social welfare from the rice market would have increased considerably over the next ten years, even after taking into account the loss in the external value of rice farming. Thus, the 2004 choice of the quota in the rice market by the Korean government was a political decision. This article measures the social welfare in the rice market under the two alternative systems – tariff and quota – for the period 2005–15. It then explores the explanation for the 2004 decision by investigating three key variables: the characteristics of farmers' groups, their interaction with government executives and the legislature, and the trend in public opinion on rice market issues. In light of the organisational weakness of Korean agricultural interest groups, the focus is on farmers' tactics for achieving their goal, i.e. retaining the quota instead of introducing the tariff.     

Integration or separation? Nationality groups in the US and the Republican Party's ethnic politics, 1960s–1980s

Using examples of American Latvians, Estonians and Ukrainians in the states of Minnesota, New Jersey and New York this article explores the ambiguous nature of integration of nationalities groups inside the Republican Party during the 1960s–1980s. Based on the analysis of available archival information, it is shown that the Republican Party intentionally brought in the ethnics during the discussed period and created the Nationalities Sections within specific electoral campaigns, Nationalities Divisions inside the state party organizations and the National Republican Heritage Groups (Nationalities) Council within the Republican National Committee in order to recruit the ethnics and engage in the partisan struggle with the Democrats. Consequently, the nationalities were given a sense of importance, but little real power to actually influence the internal processes inside the party. At the same time, the nationalities eagerly responded to the invitation to join the Republican national and state-level organizations specifically designed for the ethnics. Yet in doing this they perceived themselves primarily as ethnics with a distinct, mainly anti-communist, agenda and only secondarily thought of themselves as Americans dedicated to Republican politics. Consequently, the Republican political strategy of creating Nationalities Sections and Divisions seemed to integrate the ethnics on the surface, while in reality intensifying political separation and even ghettoization of the ethnics in American politics. This research initiates a larger project, which will compare the Republican and Democratic strategies of directly involving ethnic groups and minorities inside the party organizations in the second part of the twentieth century.     

Electronic media and popular discourse on Russian nationalism

This article analyzes electronic letters to the editor on the coverage of the riot in Kondopoga (2006) and the bombings in the Moscow subway (2010). Letters to electronic media are used for the first time as a source for popular opinion on nationalism and ethnic conflicts in Russia. The first argument of this study is methodological: a comparison between the polls and the letters suggests that letters to electronic media represent public opinion on nationalism even though Internet users still constitute a minority of Russian citizens. This study also claims that the letters under examination indicate a move from extreme nationalism to so called “banal nationalism,” the term coined by Michael Billig, during the period between 2006 and 2010. Finally, the article argues that the concept of the civic nation is not yet well understood or accepted by Russian citizens. Although this concept, expressed in Russian by the newly coined word rossiane, became somewhat more popular in 2010 than it had been in 2006, the ethnic understanding of Russian still prevails. The basis for the new identity rossiane, as it is presented in the letters, lacks common memories, myths and traditions that would resonate strongly in popular imagination.     

The old terrorism: a dataset, 1860 – 1969

ABSTRACT

Since the 9/11 terrorist attacks, research on terrorism has grown exponentially. Data limitations, however, have made temporal generalization difficult. Most terrorism datasets extend back only to the 1970s, which inhibits the ability to quantitatively examine earlier waves of terrorism. To address this limitation, this article presents a dataset of over 250 terrorist organizations formed between 1860 and 1969. These data, which have global coverage, include country-year information on group formation, allowing scholars to examine the relationship between various country-year factors and the emergence of terrorist organizations. To illustrate their usefulness, these data are used to examine the relationship between democracy and terrorist group formation. Following several recent studies, the empirical analysis reveals a curvilinear or inverted u-shaped relationship between terrorism and democracy.     

A tale of two states: how U.S. state legislatures consider restorative justice policies

This paper explores recent state legislative processes in Colorado and Texas related to bills proposing support for restorative justice as a juvenile diversion tool for criminal courts. It uses two maximum variation case studies to explore issue statements related to theoretically-supported factors likely to influence the adoption of restorative justice legislation, and draws conclusions about the importance of political partisanship, economic strain, and key figures such as policy entrepreneurs, advocacy coalitions, and interest groups in legislative decision-making. Emerging themes suggest that support for restorative justice policies is at least sometimes bipartisan and is unlikely to be motivated by economic interests. Collaborative processes within a traditionally adversarial system distinguished successful restorative justice decision-making in Colorado.     

分组协作式学习在计算机教学中的实践

将分组协作式学习的教学法适用于高职计算机教学,有助于实现学生小组学生各小组之间、师生之间的协作分享,实现人机分享,从而提高课堂教学效率.     

当代弱势群体概念的重新界定

弱势群体问题是近年来政府和社会所密切关注的问题之一,对弱势群体内涵外延的科学界定是展开对弱势群体问题研究和社会工作的基础。目前对弱势群体概念的界定标准有失偏颇,不能涵盖所有的弱势群体。文章认为对当代弱势群体的界定应从政治、经济、文化、社会和自身健康五个静态方面入手,同时结合其动态的发展底蕴和发展可能性子以把握。     

An STR database on the Volga-Ural population

This work develops a reference STR database on the Volga-Ural population, Russia, comprised of 640 individuals that were sampled from eight ethnic groups (Finno-Ugric Mari, Mordva-Moksha, Mordva-Erzja, Komi-Permjak, and Udmurt, and Turkic-speaking Bashkir, Tatar-Mishary, and Chuvash) and typed with 10 autosomal STR markers: TH01, CSF1P0, FGA, vWA, D3S1358, TPOX, D16S539, D8S1179, D13S317, FES. The groups differentiate in allele frequencies, and therefore we computed θ-values between allele frequencies in each ethnic groups and those in the database as a measure of their differentiation. Nevertheless, the Volga-Ural ethnic groups form a relatively compact cluster that greatly deviate from the Romanic Moldovans and the Turkic Yakuts, taken for comparison, and are closer to the Slavic Russians, Belarusians, and Ukrainians, although significantly differ from those as well.     

注意防范和化解行业维权性群体事件

近年来,国内的群体性事件开始表现出与以往不同的特点,比较突出的是行业维权性群体事件数量呈逐年上升趋势,社会影响不断扩大。与普通的群体性事件相比,行业维权性群体事件在参与主体和行为方式等方面与普通群体性事件有较大差异。防范和化解行业维权性群体事件必须扩大公民参与、改革行业治理结构、建设利益协商机制。