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21.
利益认同是思想政治教育存在和发展的前提,是实现思想政治教育价值的基础。在新形势下,要以利益认同为基础,促进思想政治教育价值的实现,就必须努力做到以下几点:一是加强义利观教育,引导人们正视各种利益关系;二是建立健全群众利益表达机制;三是从人民群众的切身利益出发,以实际行动全面满足人们合理的物质、精神生活需要。  相似文献   
22.
Over the last four decades, the field of negotiation has become a fully recognized academic discipline around the world and negotiation courses and competitions have become increasingly popular. Although it is believed that negotiators may be trained and that negotiation is a skill that can be taught and evaluated, the question of how to assess negotiation performance systematically and comprehensively remains largely unanswered. This article proposes a negotiation competency model for evaluating negotiation performance. The model includes a set of selected negotiation competencies together with proficiency levels and their behavioral indicators. Our goal is to help scholars design more effective negotiation courses and fairer negotiation competitions, improve negotiation pedagogy, and train negotiators who are well prepared to handle conflicts in our increasingly complex society.  相似文献   
23.
祁若冰 《河北法学》2006,24(4):114-116
反垄断法是关于竞争与垄断及其相互关系的法律规范.竞争产生垄断,垄断又会加剧竞争,对两者关系的思考一定要放到社会经济发展的动态进程中去加以界定.我国的<反垄断法>呼之欲出.以反垄断的一个重要制度--豁免制度作为研究对象,着力剖析其在我国目前的社会现实经济状况和时代大背景下存在的合理性.  相似文献   
24.
肖伟志 《河北法学》2006,24(7):124-129
价格歧视属于企业价格决策的一种,而价格决策很大程度上受制于企业所处的竞争地位和竞争环境.而价格歧视又是竞争法规范的对象.为了将与竞争法目标相容的和不相容的价格歧视区别出来,除了其他规则之外,美国和欧共体的竞争法还确立了应对竞争的抗辩,被控方可据此推翻指控.比较美国和欧共体竞争法中的有关规则,分析两者在这一问题上的相同点和不同之处,针对我国未来反垄断立法中的禁止价格歧视条款,提出具体的建议.  相似文献   
25.
商业秘密作为企业的一种无形资产和知识产权的重要组成部分,已经成为企业技术创新的重要内容和进行市场竞争的重要手段。本文就企业与员工的利益如何达到一种相对平衡,避免员工离职后与企业发生不必要的纠纷进行初步探讨。  相似文献   
26.
认罪认罚从宽制度实施以来,在提高诉讼效率方面效果显著,但同时也伴随着架空程序正义的风险,律师实质性参与是认罪认罚从宽程序之正当性基础。加之认罪认罚从宽制度推动着协商性司法的进程,中国特色的控辩协商机制来日可期,律师的有效参与更应成为完善制度构建的应有之义。然而司法实践的现状与制度设计的初衷相去甚远,律师分别在侦查、审查起诉、审判各诉讼阶段发挥不同作用的同时也面临不同的参与困境。结合域外经验加以审视,认罪认罚从宽制度框架下的律师参与存在辩护理念和立法规制的双重缺失。具体而言,应推动有效辩护的理念建构和精细值班律师的制度建构,探寻律师实质性参与认罪认罚从宽程序的合理路径,从而有效保障被追诉人的诉讼权利,助力认罪认罚从宽制度的健康推进。  相似文献   
27.
纵向非价格限制是市场竞争中的常见形式,但主要法域的法律实施对现实回应缺乏有效性和连贯性,中国《反垄断法》亦未对其作出明文规定而使法律实施处于不确定状态。比较分析欧盟法和美国法就纵向非价格限制的规制发展出来的逻辑与经验类型,可以确立:以品牌内竞争限制为起点从而影响品牌间竞争的经销限制应为纵向非价格限制反垄断规制的规范类型。进而,对其实施反垄断规制的进路,应以“品牌内-品牌间”竞争为分析主轴,考察规制的结构性因素和规制区间,分析反竞争影响与层次、确认效率及其促进竞争转化。最后,至关重要的是,要明确纵向垄断协议作为独立规范类型的内在逻辑、形成区格于横向垄断协议和滥用市场支配地位的分析方法。  相似文献   
28.
To what extent do economic concerns drive anti‐migrant attitudes? Key theoretical arguments extract two central motives: increased labour market competition and the fiscal burden linked to the influx of migrants. This article provides new evidence regarding the impact of material self‐interest on attitudes towards immigrants. It reports the results of a survey experiment embedded in representative surveys in 15 European countries before and after the European refugee crisis in 2014. As anticipated by the fiscal burden argument, it is found that rich natives prefer highly skilled over low‐skilled migration more than low‐income respondents do. Moreover, the study shows that these tax concerns among the wealthy are stronger if fiscal exposure to migration is high. No support is found for the labour market competition argument predicting that natives will be most opposed to migrants with similar skills. The results suggest that highly skilled migrants are preferred over low‐skilled migrants irrespective of natives’ skill levels.  相似文献   
29.
Party competition in Eastern Europe faces a seeming paradox. On the one hand, research finds increased political volatility in these countries, while, on the other, some authors demonstrate inherent ideological stability in the region. This research note presents a new methodological approach to adjudicating between these two findings, and suggests that while political organisations come and go, the ideological structure of party competition in Eastern Europe is strikingly steady. By developing a number of different measures of the dimensional structure of party competition, the consistency of the measures across countries, as well as their relative stability within countries over time, is demonstrated. The findings speak to current developments in Eastern Europe, and have implications beyond the region. The conclusion that even volatile party systems can be underpinned by stable ideological oppositions points to two different types of party system structure: one related to parties as organisations, and the other related to parties as expressions of political divides.  相似文献   
30.
Since the 1980s, Western Europe has experienced the surge of populist radical right parties. In an attempt to ward off these electoral newcomers, established parties have pursued strategies of disengagement, such as exclusion and de-legitimisation. This study examines the electoral effects of an excessive form of de-legitimisation, which we label ‘demonisation’. We estimate the effects of demonisation on electoral support for the Dutch Freedom Party (PVV) and its predecessor Groep Wilders. Time series analyses show that demonisation has a negative effect on electoral support, but only for Groep Wilders. Once the populist radical right party has made a successful entry into the party system, demonisation does not have its intended consequences.  相似文献   
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