论地方政府审批制度改革--从行政审批边界的理论视角进行探讨

地方政府审批制度改革不应是简单地取消审批制度,而是在确定行政审批合理的边界的前提下,不断进行制度创新,落实各项配套改革措施,建立科学、合理、高效、廉洁、公正、透明的地方政府审批制度.     

中国少数民族传统家庭中夫妻关系模式的比较研究

本文运用跨文化的比较研究方法 ,对中国少数民族传统父系家庭、母系家庭和母系父系并存家庭中夫妻的权利与地位进行比较研究。认为在父权家长制家庭中 ,男尊女卑的社会性别歧视表现在家庭生活的诸多方面。但部分父系家庭在特定条件下也有妻子当家长 ,拥有较多家政权 ,掌握经济权利 ,以及男女平等的现象。在母系家庭中普遍是妇女当家长 ,并在家庭中占有较高的地位。而在母系父系并存家庭中 ,则夫妻均可担任家长 ,家庭关系比较平等。文章最后分析了影响不同少数民族传统家庭中夫妻关系模式的多种因素 ,并对某些西方学者认为的单一经济因素作用论提出了批评     

乡土秩序的失落——对流动人口犯罪的社会学思考

流动人口犯罪的原因及其防治机制不能从流动人口群体以外的范围内去寻找 ,必须深入到生成流动人口的具体社会结构中去探寻。该社会结构主要有二方面要素 :城乡二元格局 ;户籍管理体制和现存的庞大剩余劳动力。流动人口犯罪的基础性原因是存在于流动人口群体中的乡土秩序在城市中的失落 ,以及由此而产生的流动人口生存与发展预期的落空。要解决这些问题 ,必须寻找一个重建秩序之路 ,也就是经过小城镇化而达到全面的城市化。其目标是消除两种秩序的差别和对立 ,直至建立最大限度遏制流动人口犯罪的新型秩序。     

大学生自杀行为探析

文章通过社会调查与资料采集 ,对当代大学生的轻生自杀行为进行分析、研究 ,并提请大学生、家庭、学校、社会的关注 ,加强安全教育与防范。     

论现行刑事技术管理体制存在的问题及改革构想

刑事科学技术在公安工作的中作用越来越大 ,然而 ,它的发展存在着与政府管理职能之间的矛盾、计划与市场之间的矛盾和缺乏统一运作的长效机制三大问题。建立新型刑事科学技术管理体制是当务之急。刑事科学技术管理体制改革主要有加强刑事科学技术部门之间的联系、积极创建市场运行机制和合理分配资源三个方面。     

An integrated perspective on the three potential sources of partisan bias: Malapportionment, turnout differences, and the geographic distribution of party vote shares

Partisan bias refers to an asymmetry in the way party vote share is translated into seats, i.e., a situation where some parties are able to win a given share of seats with a lesser (share of the) vote than is true for other parties. Any districted system is potentially subject to partisan biases. We show that there are three potential sources of partisan bias: (1) differences in the nature of the vote shares of the winning candidates of different parties that give rise to differences in the proportion of each party's votes that come to be ‘wasted’—differences which arise because of the nature of the geographic distribution of partisan support; (2) turnout rate differences across districts that are linked to the partisan vote shares in those districts, such that certain parties are more likely to have ‘cheap seats’ vis-à-vis turnout; and (3) malapportionment. In the context of two-party competition over single-member districts we provide a simple formulation to calculate the independent effect of each of these three factors. We illustrate our analysis with a calculation of the magnitude and direction of effects of the three determinants of partisan bias in elections to the US House and the US Senate in 1984, 1986 and 1988; then we consider how to extend the approach to a system with a mix of single- and multi-member districts or to a weighted voting system such as the US electoral college. We then apply the method to calculate the nature and sources of partisan bias in the 1984 and 1988 US presidential elections.     

Divorcing Responsibly

In this article I argue that Part II of the Family LawAct 1996 gives expression to a new form ofresponsibility. I begin by suggesting thatresponsible behaviour has shifted from prohibiting orrequiring particular actions: we now exhibitresponsibility by our attitude towards our actions. I then examine where this new conception ofresponsibility has come from. Through an examinationof the work of post-liberal theorists, principallyMichael Sandel, I argue that a changing view ofpersonhood within post-liberal theory has led to aquestioning of the possibility of choice, and that theabsence of choice necessitates a shift in thedefinition of responsible behaviour. If we are createdby our decisions then we cannot be held to account forour decisions, but only for the care we have takenover them. Responsibility is therefore measured notby our level of self-control but by our level ofself-awareness. Finally I examine the consequences ofthis shift in the meaning of responsibility. Withinthis framework autonomy is illusory thereforedecisions do not need to be respected. This explainswhy the implementation of Part II of the Family LawAct 1996 has been called into question. Within thisframework responsibility is relative therefore itextends indefinitely. This enables the Family Law Actto be uniquely intrusive and judgmental: everydivorcing couple, on being held up to scrutiny, isfound lacking.     

“法轮功”练习者受精神控制的心理分析

邪教“法轮功”在世纪末的兴起和发展,有着一定的社会心理基础,迎合了一些人的实际需要,既有历史的巧合,又有现实的矛盾;既有迷信的沉淀,也有道德的困惑。“法轮功”练习者对“法轮功”的认识大体上经历了“知、信、求”三个阶段,当然每一个练习者的表现会有所不同。从动机上分析,有实用型、信仰型、盲目型、泄恨型和牟利型五种情况,但无论是出于何种动机,每一个参加“法轮功”练习的人必定是从中获得了某种需要的满足,才能促使他们以较为坚定的毅力坚持练功,而这种不断获得,不断反馈,又不断强化练功动机的过程也正是他们在心理上受“法轮功”及李洪志本人不断影响与操纵的过程。李洪志利用“法轮功”对广大练习者实行精神控制,并通过教主崇拜、邪说恐吓、群体效应予以实施,进而实现邪教反社会的目的。     

读《史记·货殖列传》札记三篇

札记一<史记·货殖列传>和<汉书·货殖传>均有子贡传,唯不尽同.前者是表彰货殖家之贤而富者,后者意在尊孔,所以对子贡传加以更改.札记二<史记·货殖列传>中"椎埋"一词凡两见,其一是指货殖家"取与以时"牟利致富,与椎埋不相干,当为"推移"二字之误.札记三<史记·货殖列传>中"权利"一词在汉朝是盐铁的同义语.     

以“三个代表”为指针 加强中心城区党建工作

加强中心城区党建工作必须以"三个代表”的思想为指针,紧密结合城区党建工作的实际情况,调查研究,总结经验,找出薄弱环节,查找深层次原因,切实解决存在的问题,探索并建立中心城区党建工作的新思路和新机制.