Demonisation and electoral support for populist radical right parties: A temporary effect

Since the 1980s, Western Europe has experienced the surge of populist radical right parties. In an attempt to ward off these electoral newcomers, established parties have pursued strategies of disengagement, such as exclusion and de-legitimisation. This study examines the electoral effects of an excessive form of de-legitimisation, which we label ‘demonisation’. We estimate the effects of demonisation on electoral support for the Dutch Freedom Party (PVV) and its predecessor Groep Wilders. Time series analyses show that demonisation has a negative effect on electoral support, but only for Groep Wilders. Once the populist radical right party has made a successful entry into the party system, demonisation does not have its intended consequences.     

国企改制过程中及国有控股参股公司中职务犯罪的法律适用问题

从2000年起到现在,我国国企改制工作不断加快,随着国企改制后经济效益的显著提升,一些国企改制过程中或国有控股、参股公司中的职务犯罪便成了高发区。本文通过对这一问题的法律适用问题研究,旨在加强国有资产保护,维护公平正义,促进社会和谐稳定。     

“被迫”与“自愿”：民办教育企业课程咨询员加班现象研究 —— 基于对 T 市 DN 公司的田野调查

随着经济的快速发展,白领群体因频繁加班导致的"过劳死""抑郁症"现象层出不穷,白领群体的"加班"已经成为当前职场中的常见现象。近些年又出现了"无薪加班""自愿加班"等一些新的加班现象,极大地影响了白领群体的生活质量甚至身体健康,因此受到了学术界的广泛关注。其中,"民办教育机构课程咨询员"的自愿加班不容忽视。调查发现,种种"自愿加班"背后其实隐藏着难言的"被迫手段"。研究选取T市一家大型民办IT教育机构的课程咨询员作为调研对象,利用布洛维的"赶工游戏理论"和戈夫曼的"拟剧理论",同时引入"关怀文化"的概念对加班的维持方式进行探索。研究得到三个结论:1.民营企业管理者在制定"游戏规则"时,"后台规则"是导致加班的根本原因;2."关怀文化"是缓解两种规则冲突的调和手段;3."自愿加班"现象虽然看似是员工极具奉献精神的体现,但实际上背后是由一整套制度逻辑所"推动"的。     

推行工资集体协商的实践与思考

在中国特色社会主义的现实环境和“党政主导、工会运作”的维权机制下,国有及其控股企业要带头开展工资集体协商,这是有所争论的理论与现实问题。面对国有企业在建立职工工资正常增长机制和权益维护方面存在的问题,企业利益与职工利益之间存在的矛盾,国有企业要发挥较好的民主传统和健全的政工体制优势,率先搞好工资集体协商,进一步健全企业民主管理机制,为实现科学化、规范化管理打下更坚实基础。     

我国企业劳动关系和谐指数评价指标之研究

从理论上讲,政府、企业和员工处于互信互利、相互配合、相互包容、共同发展的一种状态是劳动关系追求的和谐状态,这种和谐状态不是一种表面的感知,而是可以通过劳动关系和谐指数的主客观指标值来把它显现出来。劳动关系和谐指数评价体系从员工、企业、政府三个角度入手,对员工满意程度、企业法律法规的执行情况、政府目标任务的完成情况进行综合评价。构建理性的、科学的劳动关系和谐指数评价体系,对于我国构建和谐劳动关系、缓解劳资纠纷和用工紧张具有重要意义。     

Labeled clanization: the social structure of a Third Line enterprise*

This work focuses on the Third Line workers, who were secretly located in the remote mountain areas and fully untapped in the studies of Chinese labor politics. In this study, I show that the Third Line workers mainly originate from three different groups: the transferred workers, the returned educated youths, and the demobilized soldiers. These three origins served as different labels signifying the characteristics that each group had in common. In the workers’ quotidian interactions, these labels were meaningfully and closely associated with the workers’ occupational opportunities in the factory and shape their mutual perceptions and attitudes toward one another. As a result, the high degree of isolation gradually shaped the social structure of the Third Line workers toward a model of ‘labeled clanization.’ In the light of this unique social structure, I further argue that the widely accepted organizational dependency of Chinese urban danwei system needs to be reconsidered.     

Errors have been made,others will be blamed: Issue engagement and blame shifting in prime minister speeches during the economic crisis in Europe

This article investigates prime ministers’ communication strategies during the most recent economic crisis in Europe. It argues that when electoral risk is high but governments’ policy options are severely limited, prime ministers will use specific communication strategies to mitigate electoral risks. Two such communication strategies are analysed – issue engagement and blame shifting – by applying state-of-the-art quantitative text analysis methods on 5,553 speeches of prime ministers in nine European Union member states. Evidence is found for both strategies. Prime ministers talk about the economy more in response to both high (domestic) unemployment and low (domestic) gross domestic product growth. Furthermore, it is found that the (domestic) unemployment rate is the most consistent predictor of blame shifting: as the domestic unemployment rate goes up, this is followed by an increase in blame shifting towards banks, Greece and the Troika of the European Commission, the European Central Bank and the International Monetary Fund.     

涉案财产处置程序的完善——以审前程序为视角的分析

近年来,中国司法同时步入扫黑除恶和企业产权保护的元年,针对审前程序中涉案财物处置乱象问题,有必要厘清与规范涉案财物处置相关的制度与程序,强化民营企业产权司法保护。应当正确界定涉案财产的概念与范围,合理把握涉案财物的处置方式和处置标准,在区分程序性处置和实体性处置的基础上,从职能、权力和程序三个方面强化审前涉案财产处置的控制体系。为了应对实践中存在的处置任意化、程序偏行政化、移送和保管混乱等问题,应以取证规范化为基础强化涉案财物的审查认定,丰富涉案财物的保全措施体系,对审前处置程序进行正当化改造,建立和完善涉案财产集中管理制度。     

商标恶意抢注法律规制路径探究

商标恶意抢注有违诚实信用原则,应予规制。适用我国现行《商标法》规制恶意抢注在注册确权、侵权救济和法律责任承担方面存在局限性;基于《侵权责任法》保护民事权益的范围所限,商标恶意抢注并非均为民事侵权行为,适用《侵权责任法》难以对恶意抢注实施全面规制;以《反不正当竞争法》规制恶意抢注,可对其启用行政调查措施,并通过法律责任承担规定使得恶意抢注人为此承担民事责任和行政责任,但须以竞争关系的存在和构成不正当竞争行为为适用要件,因此存在边界限制。为有效规制恶意抢注,应当结合前述立法的功能定位选择多元化法律规制路径,并从明确恶意抢注商标不予注册、规定未经实际使用的注册商标不得转让、限制恶意抢注商标的请求权方面对我国商标立法以制度完善。     

Do parties perceive their voter potentials correctly? Reconsidering the spatial logic of electoral competition

Political parties strive for maximizing their vote shares. One way to achieve this goal is to attract voters from competitors. A precondition for strategies aiming at attracting these voters is that parties perceive their voter potentials among their rivals' electorates correctly. Yet, hardly anything is known about such perceptions. To fill this gap, we develop analogue measures of a party's perceived and its actual voter potential for each competitor in a party system. Combining elite and mass surveys conducted in Germany, we show that perceived and actual voter potentials depend on spatial considerations but also that not all parties are able to correctly evaluate their potentials. These deviations can be traced back to differences in the perceived placement of political actors between elites and citizens. This supports the spatial logic of party competition but it also points to potential pitfalls for strategic behavior of political parties.