Does it pay to break male gender stereotypes in advertising? A comparison of advertisement effectiveness between the United Kingdom,Poland and South Africa

Advertisers shy away from using non-traditional (vs. traditional) male gender portrayals even though theory suggests they may be more effective cross-nationally. Two main hypotheses were tested cross-nationally for the first time. H1: ‘paternalistic’ male stereotypes (e.g. Househusband) would be more effective than ‘envious’ male stereotypes (e.g. Businessman) across countries confirming the stereotype content model (SCM). H2: the match between initial male gender role attitudes and advertisement type would increase advertisement effectiveness only in countries with relatively low egalitarian norms (i.e. Poland and South Africa). A cross-national study was conducted through the use of student samples following a 3(country: United Kingdom, Poland and South Africa) × 2(advertisement type) × (gender attitude) mixed design (N = 373). A three-way multivariate analysis of variance showed support for H1 and partial support for H2 (i.e. the second hypothesis held on purchase intent and for South Africa). The study provides evidence for the cross-national applicability of the SCM to advertising and the limited predictive value of gender attitudes for purchase intent depending on country. Thus, contrary to mainstream advertising practices, breaking male gender stereotypes does appear to pay cross-nationally. Theoretical and practical implications alongside the potential for change in practices are discussed.     

“男权王国的叛逆者”——为英国妇女选举权而战的男性知识分子

本文着重考察男性女权主义知识分子对英国妇女选举权运动所起到的推动作用。男性女权主义先锋,顶住重重压力,"背叛"了男权王国。他们成为妇女选举权运动的发起人与推动者,并为之做出巨大贡献。从19世纪上半叶至20世纪初,男性妇女参政论者支持妇女选举权运动的活动经历了由分散到集中,由"宪政"至"战斗"的历程,其指导思想也由自由主义转向社会主义。1928年英国妇女最终获得平等选举权,这一辉煌成果中包含着几代男性妇女参政论者的不懈努力。     

ASEAN as the ‘regional conductor’: understanding ASEAN's role in Asia-Pacific order

This paper analyses ASEAN's prominence in regional order negotiation and management in Southeast Asia and the Asia-pacific through the lens of social role negotiation. It argues that ASEAN has negotiated legitimate social roles as the ‘primary manager’ in Southeast Asia and the ‘regional conductor’ of the Asia-Pacific order. It develops an English School-inspired role negotiation framework and applies it to three periods: 1954–1975 when ASEAN's ‘primary manager’ role emerged from negotiations with the USA; 1978–1991 when ASEAN's role was strengthened through negotiations with China during the Cambodian conflict; and 1991-present when ASEAN created and expanded the ‘regional conductor’ role. Negotiations during the Cold War established a division of labour where great powers provided security public goods but the great power function of diplomatic leadership was transferred to ASEAN. ASEAN's diplomatic leadership in Southeast Asia provided a foundation for creating its ‘regional conductor’ role after the Cold War. ASEAN's ability to sustain its roles depends on maintaining role bargains acceptable to the great powers, an increasingly difficult task due to great power rivalry in the South China Sea.     

Challenging the European Union: the rising powers and the USA in the Doha Round

In this article, the challenges posed to the European Union's (EU) role in trade policy and its implications for development policy during the World Trade Organization's Doha Development Agenda, also known as the Doha round, are highlighted. The authors argue that transformed power relations have created a situation characterized by role uncertainty, for the emerging powers but also for the EU. Priorities among multiple possible roles – in the existing trade regime, in relation to the global South and in the ongoing negotiations – become subject to redefinition. For the EU, heavily wedded to a multilateralist and reformist mission because of its own history, this process is particularly difficult. The EU's traditional role conceptions as a leader and a benign partner to developing countries have been challenged and partly replaced by a more realist approach.     

Presidential roles and rhetoric

Traditional literature on the public dimensions of the American presidency suggests that the office has a significant impact upon the political lives of Americans and that contemporary presidents frequently appeal for public support to pressure other government elites. This study systematically analyzes rhetorical references to the presidency by examining a president's articulation of presidential roles in public speeches and press conferences. This study finds that Johnson, Nixon, and Carter did rhetorically refer to presidential roles, especially when confronted by crisis and controversy. The implication is that when confronted by serious controversy, presidents tell Americans about the responsibilities of the presidency in an effort to mobilize public support.     

人本行政裁量权之实现理路探析

人本行政裁量权的精义在于尊重与保障人权。实现人本行政裁量权的主要理路有：在实体上的利益衡量中行政主体应保障诸种利益的均衡;在程序上的裁量过程中行政主体应保障有效的利益沟通;在对行政裁量的司法审查中法院应保障权利的相应救济。     

我国非政府组织的发展与统一战线工作

随着我国社会主义市场经济的建立,社会的利益结构发生了重大的变化,各社会阶层、社会群体之间的利益矛盾不断涌现和发展,这些矛盾都将在利益上形成相应的意志要求,并谋求相应的表达渠道。非政府组织的发展是与新的经济形式及新的社会阶层的不断壮大紧密结合在一起的。党的各级统战部门要积极引导非政府组织健康发展,拓展统战工作新领域。     

五四时期女性社会生活角色的开化

五四时期,在新的历史文化情境下,中国女性的社会生活角色出现了现代转型,这主要从新的角色期待与新的角色扮演两个层面展开,从中可见五四时期女性社会生活角色的早期现代化特性。     

西部大开发中可持续发展问题研究

西部大开发中客观上面临水资源缺乏、水土流失严重等问题,主观上存在环保意识淡薄、片面认识人力资源便宜优势、政府与市场关系定位不清等问题.因此,西部大开发应遵循有中国特色的可持续发展思想,要建立完善的投资政策环境,重点扶持环保产业发展,大力加强基础设施建设.     

论公民平等受教育权的立法保障

随着2004年宪法修正案将"国家尊重和保障人权"的规定入宪和社会主义科学发展观的建立,平等受教育权的法律保障问题逐渐引起人们的关注。我国对平等受教育权的研究起步较晚,在实践中公民平等受教育权保障存在着诸多问题,尤其是法律保障中立法的不完善,严重影响了公民平等受教育权的实现。为了充分保障公民的这项基本人权,分析这种现状存在的原因并加以研究解决,不仅具有理论意义,也具有现实意义。