“虚拟环境”中的真教育——建构我国“网络德育学”的几点思考

随着网络技术的发展,上网成为人们生活方式的重要组成部分.网民人数急剧增加,其中未成年人占的比重越来越大.面对网络社会中秩序混乱、规范缺失、监管乏力、泥沙俱下的事实,需要加强网络道德及其教育的研究,制定网上游戏规则,教育网民遵守网络道德.同时,教育学界亟待建构中国特色的网络德育学.综观我国网络德育学产生的生态环境,网络行为是网络德育学理论体系建构的逻辑起点.     

青年志愿者行动的"三性"分析

青年志愿者行动要持续深入发展,就必须建立青年志愿者行动体系,总结青年志愿者行动的现实经验,反思青年志愿者行动的问题与不足。这就是对青年志愿者行动深入发展的可能性、可行性及必要性分析。     

Authoritarian backsliding and the concentration of political power

This article introduces the concept of authoritarian backsliding as a class of strategies for the concentration of incumbent political power in hybrid regimes. Such actions include manipulating elections, violating civil liberties, creating an extremely uneven playing field for the opposition, and reducing the institutional constraints on executive power. While often falling short of a full regime change, backsliding can significantly alter the level of political competition in a country and reduce the quality of its political life. This article develops a theoretically-grounded strategy to identify and measure backsliding events since 1989, showing that they have been much more common than is typically appreciated. The article also shows the utility of the concept of backsliding for better understanding regime stability. Using cross-national analysis of backsliding events from 1989–2004, we find that threats such as opposition electoral gains or economic crises in resource-dependent regimes create incentives for authoritarian backsliding.     

公益诉讼裁判的法律效力及其延伸

公益诉讼裁判法律效果的实现及其延伸是公益诉讼制度设计和实践运作的难点问题,本文区分群体性、个体公益性诉讼的不同模式,分别从既判力主观扩张、预决事实拘束力、判例效力和判决执行力四个方面架构公益诉讼裁判的效力体系,充分论证公益诉讼裁判效力延伸的可能性和正当性,并结合我国司法实践提出可行性操作方案．以实现公益诉讼有效维护社会整体公共利益的价值预设。     

Conceptualizing racialized black political activity within European spaces: a political opportunities approach

African presence in Europe can be traced back to Roman times, yet African peoples within European spaces are continually perceived and often treated as new migrants with no sense of an historical attachment to European soil. This paper seeks to understand and challenge this conception of black migrants to Europe by focusing on the community and political activities of black subjects in European spaces. Using Britain as a primary reference point, the paper argues that the unfolding nature of black political activity in European spaces emerges as a result of dynamic interactions between black protagonists and the state. The nature of these interactions it is argued are racialized in character and that black community organizations and individuals play a crucial role in determining the forms and nature of political activity and outcomes that operate under the guise of minority ethnic mobilization. This paper argues a point that is often overlooked in the literature that focuses on African and other immigrants to Europe as recent migrants with problems. The paper uses a refined political opportunities approach and focuses on state practices and black community organizational practices between the First and Second World Wars to outline the varied nature of black community and political activity in an era of state antagonism towards black populations at home and abroad. The paper argues that context, state power and action, and the activities and ideas of black community organizations interact in dynamic ways to account for the changing nature of black political activity in European spaces.     

Detecting concealed information: The role of individual differences in executive functions and social desirability

The aim of the study was to assess the relationship between deception efficiency and individual differences in executive functioning (EF) and personality, with a particular focus on the influence of social desirability. A mock crime scenario was used, followed by a Concealed Information Test based on reaction times (RT-based CIT). Individual measures of EF (inhibition, shifting, and working memory [WM]) and personality (the Eysenck Personality Questionnaire – Revised, EPQ-R), plus a measure of social desirability (Balanced Inventory of Desirable Responding, BIDR) were collected in a distinct session. Results indicated that better executive functions were associated with faster responses to irrelevant items in the RT-based CIT. In a regression analysis, individual differences in shifting and spatial WM were significant predictors of the extra-time taken to lie, compare to truth-telling. No significant relations between deception outcomes and personality measures were noted. Looking at social desirability, the Impression Management scale predicted a further portion of variance in the extra time required to lie, beyond the contribution of executive functions. The utility of an individual differences approach to deception is advocated.     

Role-Switching in the Dutch Parliament: Reinvigorating Role Theory?

The lack of explanatory power of roles in the study of legislative behaviour has led to questioning of the utility of role theory. The problem may be that scholars tend to focus on classifying legislators according to one role orientation, thereby running the risk of oversimplification. Using questions from the 1990, 2001 and 2006 Dutch Parliamentary Studies, this study explores whether MPs specialise in a particular role or switch between roles depending on the situation at hand. A general trend towards specialisation in the partisan role is detected, accompanied by a decrease in the number of role-switching MPs. Furthermore, it is found that whereas government MPs tend to specialise in the role of the parliamentarian, opposition MPs are more prone to put on their partisan hats.     

Budgetary Negotiations: How the Chilean Congress Overcomes its Constitutional Limitations

Recent research suggests that the Chilean Congress is marginalised in the policymaking process, especially when setting the budget. This paper argues that previous studies have overlooked the fact that the legislature uses two amendment tools – specifications and marginal notes – to increase the national budget and reallocate resources within ministries. This behaviour contradicts the constitution, which only allows Congress to reduce the executive's budget bill. To test this empirically, a pooled two-stage time-series cross-sectional analysis is conducted on ministries for the years 1991–2010. The findings clarify how the legislature surpasses its constitutional limits and demonstrate that specifications are useful to predict when Congress increases or decreases a ministry's budget.     

新时期“东突”恐怖活动新动向及对策研究

近年来"东突"恐怖势力深受国际恐怖主义特别是中亚恐怖主义的影响,恐怖犯罪案件呈急剧上升态势。呈现出恐怖犯罪手段多样、残忍,并极力效仿国际恐怖主义,恐怖活动趋向采用"基地"组织的游击化运作方式,选择的作案时间与地点更具有策略性,恐怖分子本土化和组织化程度明显降低等特点。面对宗教极端思想的意识形态化,网络恐怖渗透的加剧和"伊吉拉特"的现实威胁日益加大的"东突"恐怖活动的发展趋势,我们必须树立全新的安全观,科学认识新疆反恐怖斗争的长期性、复杂性及艰巨性,建立健全反恐怖工作协调机制,加强情报信息工作,提高预知预防能力,加大出入境人员的管理力度,强化对可疑人员的甄别、核查力度,健全、完善网络、通讯监管法律体系,加强宗教事务管理,充分认识"伊吉拉特"活动的严重危害,加强意识形态领域的反分裂斗争,清醒认识中国面临的反恐困境。     

Continuity despite change: Kenya's new constitution and executive power

What explains the continuation of strong executive power despite the introduction of new formal constraints on presidents? This article focuses on the elites working within the state agencies that execute presidential power, who benefit materially from their authority and have incentives to defy formal constraints placed on their own power. To evaluate this claim, I examine Kenya's 2010 constitution, which intended to reduce the power of Kenya's “imperial presidency” through formal constraints on the executive. As implementation has progressed, however, the executive bureaucracy – the Provincial Administration (PA) – has not changed in size, structure, or function, contrary to the explicit goals of the constitution's drafters. Using original interview and archival evidence, I find that the persistence of this agency – and by extension strong executive power – is due to PA administrators’ attempts to protect their material interests. This article shows that formal rule change may be insufficient to spur democratization in the face of entrenched authoritarian bureaucracies with strong incentives to maintain their pre-existing interests.