排序方式: 共有102条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
31.
周莉 《安徽警官职业学院学报》2003,2(1):90-92
大多数学者认为尼采是一位反形而上学的哲学家 ,而反形而上学用尼采本人的话来说就是虚无主义。在尼采看来 ,虚无主义是一个历史过程。从柏拉图———基督教哲学到叔本华哲学的虚无主义过程 ,也是最高价值自行贬值的过程 ,而尼采正是这一过程中最后登场的哲学家。但是他的虚无主义不是目的 ,不是归宿 ,而是一种手段 ,其真正目的在于塑造一种新的理性批判精神。 相似文献
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Bernhard Forchtner 《Patterns of Prejudice》2019,53(3):285-301
ABSTRACTIn this article, Forchtner investigates the construction of an ‘ideal’, extreme-right, ecologically sensitive subject. A concern for the natural environment is in no way new to the extreme right, and has long been part of its ideological make-up. In particular, claims that the laws of nature are applicable to the social world and that a community is embedded in an ecosystem have long been features of a right-wing ecological imaginary. Through an analysis of all the articles on a paradigmatic ecological issue, biodiversity, published in Germany’s exemplary extreme-right magazine preoccupied with ecology, Umwelt & Aktiv (Environment & Active), this cultural imaginary is reconstructed. Included in it as key themes are human responsibility for environmental degradation, the ecological value of flora and fauna, and criticism of modernity’s levelling tendencies (both biologically and culturally). Taking responsibility for the community’s Heimat (homeland) is, consequently, a crucial element for this subject: a subject who aims for purity, order and the stability of ecosystems. 相似文献
34.
邪教型犯罪概念与特征分析 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
陈书成 《河南司法警官职业学院学报》2005,3(1):36-39
邪教型犯罪是指行为人由于信仰扭曲,并且在追求和维护这种偏激性、敌视性、破坏性迷信邪说心理状态支配实施的各种犯罪行为。邪教型犯罪具有独特的犯罪心理形成和发展机制,同时具有不同于普通犯罪的行为特征。 相似文献
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George Michael 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2013,25(4):561-583
This article surveys the history of the World Church of the Creator, a small and obscure organization, which has nevertheless had a significant influence on the international far right. The Creativity movement has had an impact on the far right in several ways, including spearheading an anti-Christian orientation among its younger activists, introducing vitriolic rhetoric that has contributed to violence and radicalism, fostering the development of a larger racial, as opposed to a national, identity in the global “white power” movement, and paradoxically, advocating the adoption of an organizing model which would explicitly seek to emulate certain characteristics of Judaism. 相似文献
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Thomas A. Koelble 《Democratization》2013,20(4):605-631
This article argues that the democratization processes taking place in South Africa and elsewhere in emerging market economies cannot be separated from the global economic context within which these processes are taking place. The article illustrates that the mainstream political economy literature has not paid sufficient attention to the issue of the limits and constraints placed upon these newly emerging democracies by the new financial architecture, particularly the derivatives market, which now determines the value and price of emerging market currencies. The article concludes that the workings of this market not only heavily favour the interests of developed countries but that they deeply question the accountability of politicians in those emerging markets and thereby endanger the legitimacy of the democratic project in large parts of the post-colonial world. The article is divided into three sections: first, a critique of some of the leading political economy analyses and their position on the relationship between open-economy policies and democracy; second, an account of the development of the derivatives market since 1973 and a theorization of its implications for currency movements, particularly monetary volatility, of emerging market currencies; third, an illustration by way of the South African and Brazilian cases of the policy implications of currency volatility for creating improved social and economic conditions. 相似文献
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Estimates of static nationalization do not always reflect stark qualitative differences between parties. We use a research design oriented around a comparison of sharply different parties—the unstable Democratic Left in Ecuador and the stable Broad Front in Uruguay—to develop the distinctiveness of static and dynamic nationalization. Snapshot measures that only consider a single election suggest that both parties are poorly statically nationalized; but we show that the former case is highly statically nationalized, and that the observed territorial differences arise because it is poorly dynamically nationalized. We adopt the linear mixed modeling approach to reduce the bias in extant estimators. The approach is also informative about the sources of variance in a party's territorial support: relatively stable district attributes account for static nationalization, while features unique to the electoral cycle account for dynamic nationalization. Substantively, our study alters conclusions about parties operating in highly unstable electoral contexts. 相似文献
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在金融市场微观结构理论分析框架下,交易机制的变革以市场质量为评判基准.运用相关模型的实证研究表明,上海证券市场存在着较为明显的波动聚集、波动持续现象,市场整体波动性较大.根据卖空机制的制度功能分析,卖空限制的存在增加了该市场的波动性水平,降低了市场质量,因此有必要在该市场建立卖空交易机制以降低其波动性水平,在建立模式的选择上可以参照香港建立证券登记结算公司模式的卖空机制. 相似文献
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We use estimates of variance in district-level electoral data as a way to identify multiple dimensions of the nationalization of party support, including “static nationalization” and “dynamic nationalization.” The multilevel model we use—also described as a random coefficient, mixed, growth curve, and hierarchical model—yields estimates of a party's mean national trajectory of electoral support (fixed effects), as well as estimates of variability around the mean trajectory parameters (random effects). Using a general model, we present a two-step approach to first identify electoral variability and then account for it. We develop the model, apply it to three political parties, demonstrate its behavior under controlled conditions using data we create, and demonstrate its application for explanatory purposes. 相似文献
40.
Most explanations of party system stability focus on the strength of mass-elite linkages. We highlight the role of institutions, focusing on how electoral rules and elected institutions, especially the presidency, impact elites' incentives to coordinate on a stable set of parties or to form new parties, thus affecting electoral volatility. Using Central and Eastern European elections data, we find that directly elected presidents increase volatility and that presidential power magnifies this effect. Absent a directly elected president, high district magnitude is associated with increased volatility, but district magnitude dampens the impact of an elected president on volatility; hence, our findings underscore the interactive impact of institutions on party systems. We also find evidence that bicameralism and concurrence of presidential and parliamentary elections decrease electoral volatility. Our model not only explains persistently high electoral volatility in Eastern Europe, but the extreme stability of Western European party systems. 相似文献