稳态条件下EDR车速的可信度分析

目的分析稳态条件(例如,无制动)下国内车辆EDR碰前车速的可信度,为EDR碰前车速的应用提供参考。方法在国外研究结论的基础上,选取国内1起既有EDR数据又有监控视频的实际案例,利用监控视频计算所得车速为参考值,分析事故车辆稳态行驶时EDR车速的可信度,并结合EDR车速的来源对其进一步分析。结果根据国外文献研究结果可知,车辆稳态行驶时EDR车速的相对误差在±4%以内。通过国内1起实例的分析,显示稳态行驶车速为120 km/h,EDR记录的碰前车速相对误差为3.886%。结论结合EDR车速来源的分析表明,稳态条件下,国内车辆EDR记录的碰前车速同样具有很好的可信度,可有效应用到相关的车速重建中。     

Americanising Brexit Britain's Welfare State?

Will the British welfare state revert to an Americanisation trajectory or retain features of the European model after April 2019? After a period of historically prolonged austerity and substantial working age welfare reform, with the UK facing yet another renegotiation of the social contract in a post‐Brexit world, the question of whether there remains space for an alternative to the ‘American’ model is of crucial importance. We argue that there has been a blurring of differences across the American and European welfare states in terms of working age benefits, as most countries have adopted aspects of work‐based conditionality reforms, which attach the receipt of benefits to the active pursuit of work and, to varying extents, the underlying politics of US welfare reform, where there are large coalitions supportive of more punitive policies towards low‐income adults and minorities. These trends are taking place against the backdrop of a second major shift: increasing restrictions on benefits for immigrants. This double narrowing of the welfare state, making benefits conditional for citizens and excluding those who are not citizens, seemingly sets the agenda for a more restrictive post‐Brexit welfare state. The experience of the last two decades suggests, however, that the adoption of the American model has not been wholesale; steering a middle path between punitive conditional American benefits and more traditionally generous universal benefits is on the agenda across advanced welfare states.     

Political Finance Regimes in Southeast Asia: Introduction

ABSTRACT

The three articles in this themed collection investigate the interplay between political finance regimes and the quality of democracy in Southeast Asia. Andreas Ufen's piece on political finance in Malaysia and Singapore argues that the semi-authoritarian regimes in both states have blocked the reform of campaign and party funding regulations in order to keep their opposition in check. The article on Indonesia, authored by Marcus Mietzner, showcases the country's dysfunctional political finance system as a major hurdle toward further democratization. In their contribution on Thailand, Napisa Waitoolkiat and Paul Chambers show that weak political finance regulations have contributed significantly to the shallowness of Thai parties. Overall, the collection demonstrates that without meaningful political finance reforms, Southeast Asia's democratic stagnation is likely to persist for many years to come.     

析法律全球化

随着经济全球化，有西方国家提出了“法律全球化”。然而“法律全球化”是既不合理，又不现实的幻想，对主权国家更是提出了挑战。我国加入了世界贸易组织，“法律全球化”也成为我国法学界日益关注的热点问题。本文对法律全球化的基本问题进行了分析探讨。     

REEVALUATING WHERE WE STAND: A COMPREHENSIVE SURVEY OF AMERICA'S FAMILY JUSTICE SYSTEMS

The call for court reform remains critical in the face of the growing complexity of burgeoning family law cases nationwide. Many states have restructured their court systems using the unified family court model, resolving legal, personal, emotional, and social disputes with the aim of improving the well‐being of families and children. Other states utilize the traditional approach, resulting in cases being handled in a fragmented, time‐consuming and expensive manner. In this article, Professor Barbara A. Babb presents the results of her nationwide survey regarding how each state handles family law matters. The survey is a follow‐up to her comprehensive 1998 survey and her 2002 survey update. The results of the recent analysis reveal that a total of thirty‐eight states now have either statewide family courts, family courts in selected areas of the state, or pilot or planned family courts, representing seventy‐five percent of states. The number of states without a specialized or separate system to handle family law matters has decreased from seventeen states in 1998 to thirteen in 2006. These changes are significant when one considers the complexities involved in court reform. The need for court reform remains an urgent one, as family law cases occupy a significant percentage of court dockets across the country. Families and children deserve a court system where justice is effective and efficient and where their legal, personal, emotional, and social needs are resolved in a therapeutic and holistic manner.     

论村民自治权运行中的权力制约问题

村民自治权具有权利、权力双重属性。作为权利,村民自治权很容易受到国家行政权的限制、干涉或侵害,这就要求限制行政权在自治领域的效力,削减行政强权对自治权的压制;作为权力,村民自治权很可能侵害村民个体权益,甚至造成多数人对少数人的暴政,这要求国家立法权和司法权适度介入自治领域,防止自治权的滥用与无度。因此,必须合理划分和界定国家权力与村民自治权之间的比例关系,通过立法权和司法权介入自治权的运行过程,实现对国家行政权力和村民自治权力的制约,以维护和保障村民权益,使国家权力、村民自治权、个体权利在村民自治权运行过程中达致平衡与和谐。     

On the Viability of the Concept of Staatswissenschaften

Staatswissenschaften is said to mean that there are certain specific fields of scholarly inquiry and higher education that relate primarily to the state, which is defined widely as structured human living-together. It is outlined why this is a concept viable for the future, particularly—but not only—in and for Europe.     

我国公有公共设施致害赔偿问题研究——以行政公产为视角

公有公共设施是行政公产的重要组成部分，在大陆法系国家一般由国家赔偿法对其致害的情况进行调整。我国并未将公有公共设施致害纳入国家赔偿的范围，只是将其中一部分作为民事侵权案件来处理，这样做致使大部分公有公共设施致害赔偿案件无法可依，也不符合对受害人权益的保护和我国公共行政的发展。考虑到公有公共设施的行政公产属性，需要将公有公共设施的致害纳入国家赔偿法范围。     

选举权的性质解析

Suffrage is not a right “recognized” by the Constitution but “created” by people through the Constitution, which is a right of the closest relationship with the people’s sovereignty. It is both a right and a power, where the attribute of right is manifested in that it can be waived with the nature of interest and will, and the attribute of power is manifested in that it can determine the interest and destiny of candidates. However, no attribute is complete. Suffrage is an individual right rather than a collective right, with indirect relationship with the state power but direct relationship with the “holders” of state power, creating them and in turn influencing the state power.     

Regionalising the state: political topography of regulatory regionalism

In recent years new modes of regional governance such as peer review, policy networks, and multi-level governance, have emerged not only in the European Union but in other regions such as the Asia Pacific. This article explains the rise of these new modes of governance in terms of the framework of regulatory regionalism. It suggests that these new modes of governance constitute distinctive forms of regionalised governance within the state. Hence emerging practices of regional governance are not above the national state, but instantiated within it. Just as much as the national territorial state was consolidated over the nineteenth and much of the twentieth century, the twenty-first century is likely to see the consolidation of new forms and practices of regional governance in which the ‘regional’ becomes incorporated within the political space of the state.