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901.
鹿立 《中华女子学院山东分院学报》2004,(3):10-13
科学发展观与男女平等基本国策,虽然在整个发展战略中的地位不同,提出问题的角度不同,但二者具有十分鲜明的理论同源性.这突出表现在"以人为本"的马克思主义社会发展观是二者共同的理论渊源;坚持主客体辩证发展及人与自然和谐可持续发展是二者共同的理论依据;实事求是、着眼于解决当前重大理论和现实问题的马克思主义理论精髓是二者共同的思想品格. 相似文献
902.
黄磊 《安徽警官职业学院学报》2004,3(4):56-58
在我国以信息化带动工业化并最终实现工业化的进程中,要充分认识到知识产权制度的局限性,改变过去全盘采用外国技术的被动局面,在培育国内相关产业的同时,应支持本土厂商与外国公司竞技,直至假以必要的国家政策. 相似文献
903.
904.
从20世纪70年代中期后,海外越南人人数激增,分布日广,约2/3取得所在国的国籍,形成一个有一定影响的越裔族群,并以不同形式参与祖籍国的建设。越南政府实行较为宽松的国籍政策,保护海外越南人在国内外的正当权利,鼓励他们为家乡和祖国服务,使之成为越南经济社会发展的重要外部资源。 相似文献
905.
陈清 《福建省社会主义学院学报》2004,(1):47-49
本文通过对福建省民办医疗服务发展现状及其发展中存在主要问题的分析,对其进一步加快发展提出政策导向建议。 相似文献
906.
Dirk J. Korf Ruud Bless Nienke Nottelman 《European Journal on Criminal Policy and Research》1998,6(3):337-356
The main focus of this paper is: how strong are people's opinions and policy preferences on the issue of drugs and drug users influenced by their own exposure to drug problems? From a general population survey conducted in eleven European cities, it is concluded that opinions and policy preferences are influenced only to a limited degree by exposure. The people who are not exposed to drug problems in their neighbourhood are more strongly inclined towards a repressive approach than the people who are affected by drug nuisance. Personal experiences with illicit drugs play an important part in the viewpoints. People who have tried drugs themselves lean far more strongly towards a health approach. That tendency is even stronger among those who are exposed to drug-related nuisance. 相似文献
907.
试点是中国政策实践过程中的一种常见现象,现有研究多从政策制定和政策创新扩散的视角研究试点的运行机制,而忽视了试点的政策属性。试点是一种特殊的政策类型,其执行不同于一般的政策执行过程。从府际关系基础上所形成的政策模糊属性出发,采用案例研究方法,通过对低碳城市试点政策进行深入剖析,探究试点政策的执行机制。研究发现,试点政策经过一系列复杂的动态过程,依靠四种执行机制得以落实:一是在执行中规划,即以规划推动执行的方案规划机制;二是双轨并行的执行制度保障机制;三是多重嵌套的试点示范落实机制;四是模糊与清晰交叉共存的策略选择机制。四种机制相互衔接、相互依存,推动了试点政策的落实。 相似文献
908.
Mark Hearn 《Journal of Australian Studies》2018,42(3):343-356
As it evolved towards the New Protection program from 1906, Deakinite protectionism manifested as a historicised narrative of modernity: an attempt to impose a rationale of nation-building over the heterogeneous and unstable impact of new economic relations and technologies, and the tense dynamics of competition between nations. History was invoked by actors fashioning the nation-building task in post Federation Australia as they claimed to make decisive breaks with past practice, reflected in innovative government strategies and social reforms. The anxieties and opportunities stimulated by global industrial modernity defined New Protection policy, evident in the formation of political narrative and parliamentary legislation, and government intervention in the conduct of business enterprise and industrial relations. The objectives and contradictions of New Protection were clarified in the political narratives and policy interventions constructed to secure the future of the Sunshine Harvester enterprise and its workforce. 相似文献
909.
As research by the Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation in East Timor documents, the years 1975–1980 constituted the worst period of the Indonesian occupation of East Timor, during which grave human rights took place involving a high loss of life. In Australia, the government headed by Prime Minister Malcolm Fraser (1975–1983) sought to present itself as a supporter of human rights and the international rule of law. It also prioritized relations with the Suharto regime, which it saw as key to its policy position in Southeast Asia. These two positions came into conflict due to the Indonesian invasion of East Timor. The Fraser government therefore worked to propagate a narrative concerning East Timor which denied the seriousness of the situation, distorted the historical narrative, deflected blame from Indonesia, and depicted the Australian position as principled and realistic. This paper examines the development of this narrative as events progressed and information concerning the crisis in East Timor came to the attention of the outside world. It also examines how the Fraser government employed this narrative internationally in order to protect the Suharto regime from scrutiny. 相似文献
910.
Masha Hedberg 《后苏联事务》2018,34(1):35-54
This article analyzes Russia’s retaliatory food embargo, explaining why the Russian government banned some imports from the West but refrained from banning a range of equally plausible others. I argue that Moscow was following a strategy of differentiated retaliation when selecting which imports to embargo. The countersanctions were not designed to mete out equal punishment on all members of the sanctioning coalition. Rather, Russia purposefully crafted the policy to inflict greater economic damage on some states than others. Utilizing an original data-set on all agricultural and food products that Russia imports, I demonstrate that, ceteris paribus, imports of sizeable commercial value to countries the Kremlin has long viewed as the mainstays of anti-Russian policies were far more likely to have been banned. In contrast, the evidence shows that Moscow stayed its hand in dealing with Europe’s major powers. This analysis both illuminates the policy objectives being pursued by a leading actor in world politics, as well as lays the groundwork for theoretically understanding the geostrategic, political, and economic drivers of countersanctions. 相似文献