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941.
Benjamin Pohl 《European Security》2013,22(3):307-325
The Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) epitomises the EU's aspirations to be a key actor in global security. The logic underlying the policy, however, remains contentious. In order to elucidate the latter, this article compares the plausibility of different theoretical frameworks. It suggests that liberal IR theory offers considerable explanatory power in this respect, and argues that the decisive forces behind CSDP operations are governmental interests as defined by domestic expectations. European governments’ shared interest lies in being perceived to effectively further national interests and domestically held values. Yet, this preoccupation with domestic politics also entails and explains CSDP's often-noted inconsistencies and constraints. 相似文献
942.
Elena Kropatcheva 《European Security》2013,22(3):370-394
Abstract This essay explores Russia's Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) policy, by focusing on two questions. First of all, analysts have noted Russia's disinterest and obstructive policies towards the Organization. Thus, the question is what – if anything – does the Russian Federation still want from the OSCE? Secondly, does the OSCE still serve as a forum for dialog? These two issues are studied on the basis of rational institutionalism and realism. The essay demonstrates that Russia is still interested in the OSCE, but its policy has become more pragmatic, selective and instrumentalist. It includes obstructive and constructive strategies. At the same time, today the Russian Federation ascribes less significance to the Organization in European security. This is predetermined not only by its inability to push its interests through the OSCE, but also by the declining interest of other participating States in the Organization. The differences between OSCE participants have turned it into a battlefield of interests in many areas. 相似文献
943.
后冷战时期,俄罗斯地缘政治潜力下降,促使其对外政策中地缘经济战略凸现。地缘经济战略中的能源外交成为俄对外政策的重点。俄地缘经济战略的实施使其经济从解体后的萧条中复苏,但其也存在着不可忽视的变数。随着世界政治经济格局的变化,俄对外政策中地缘政治与地缘经济因素互动着,这成为后冷战时期俄罗斯对外政策的特点。 相似文献
944.
宋晓东 《广东行政学院学报》2006,18(2):80-83
加入WTO后,我国的国际贸易摩擦与过去相比较,无论是在数量、范围层次上,还是在表现形式上,都呈现出截然不同的格局。产生国际贸易摩擦的原因是多方面的。遵循和积极利用WTO原则,提高企业竞争能力,建立良好的贸易合作机制,将是我国克服国际贸易摩擦的重要途径。 相似文献
945.
近年来,外资企业中一些不法分子的偷税行为逐渐浮出水面,而且呈发展壮大之势,其危害是十分严重的。文章从侦查实务的角度简要介绍了我国目前外资企业的偷税状况,分析了其实施偷税行为的主要手段及特点,并在此基础上总结了一些针对外资企业偷税行为的经济侦查措施。 相似文献
946.
随着世界多极化、经济全球化、社会信息化以及文化多样化的纵深推进,各国之间的联系和依存关系日渐加深。其中对外文化交流的重要性日渐凸显,成为各国塑造良好的国家形象、展示文化底蕴的最佳平台。民间传播者作为对外文化交流的重要主体之一,具有自带亲民立场、促进民心相通相融、为中国文化传播打开新空间等优势。文章以李子柒视频为例对其内容特色进行深度分析,深层次展示民间传播者在对外文化交流中发挥的作用,进而提出民间传播者如何加强对外文化交流的对策。 相似文献
947.
Katja Levy 《The Pacific Review》2019,32(5):898-921
AbstractThis article investigates whether the People’s Republic of China and Japan perceive each other as rivals in Latin America (LA; both the Chinese and Japanese governments tend to refer to the region as Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC), but for the purposes of this article we focus mainly on LA), and what impact such a perception might have on their foreign policy decision-making. We take LA as a case study because China’s and Japan’s recent (re-)engagement there began almost simultaneously in the early 2000s, and has developed against the background of domestic leadership transitions, growing demands for energy and markets, as well as international political agendas in which LA might play a key role. Developing the work of Thompson [(1995). Principal rivalries. Journal of Conflict Resolution, 39 (2), 195–223; (2001). Identifying rivals and rivalries in world politics. International Studies Quarterly, 45(4), 557–586] and Vasquez [(1993). The War Puzzle. Cambridge, MA: Cambridge University Press; (1996). Distinguishing rivals that go to war from those that do not: Aa quantitative comparative case study of the two paths to war. International Studies Quarterly, 40 (4), 531–558] on rivalry, in combination with perception theory [Jervis, R. (1976). Perception and misperception in international politics. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press], the article suggests three indicators by which to measure the extent to which China and Japan might perceive each other as rivals. Drawing on content analysis of a range of Chinese- and Japanese-language official writing, news reports, and academic analysis, the article argues that, despite some media representation of China and Japan as competitors for resources and power in LA, in fact mutual perceptions concerning rivalry have not affected LA policy decisions of these two countries. 相似文献
948.
Magdalena Kinga Stawicka 《美中公共管理》2014,(5):463-469
Goal of this paper shall be examination of factors which have an impact on unequal deployment of foreign direct investments (FDIs) in European Union (EU) countries. In order to achieve the desired goal, the author shall conduct analysis of FDIs' location based on the selection of variables which in the literature of the subject has been recognized to be potentially correlated with inflow of the FDIs. 相似文献
949.
《Journal of prevention & intervention in the community》2013,41(1-2):9-25
SUMMARY This paper is concerned with changing meanings of home for Taiwanese employers of foreign domestics under globalization. Shifting sense of home occurs for Taiwanese employers as well as foreign domestics in the process of labor migration. The author argues that Taiwanese employers, facing aliens at home, have adopted various rhetorical strategies to redefine their relationships with foreign domestics and deployed diverse practices of management within their households. As foreign domestics do housework at home, Taiwanese employers also do their own “homework,” struggling to understand and cope with the process of becoming and being household employers. Their “homework” is an integral part of the globalization of domestic service. 相似文献
950.
俄国在修筑西伯利亚大铁路时,无论在建设方法、铁路选址方面,还是在铁路沿线开发方面,都广泛吸取了北美铁路的经验。在铁路建设过程中也不可避免地有外国公司参与,尤其是炸药、水泥、钢轨和其他建筑材料的供应商中都可见到外国公司的身影。 相似文献