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241.
兰献 《中共桂林市委党校学报》2004,4(2):47-49
抗日战争时期,广西是全国文化事业发展得比较好的一个省份。特别是首府桂林的文化事业更是呈现出一片繁荣的景象,被誉为“抗战文化城”。这都与广西政府的文化政策有着紧密的联系。而影响文化政策改变的因素及这种文化政策所产生的影响是多方面的。 相似文献
242.
完善物业管理法律制度的思考 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
宣力 《陕西行政学院学报》2004,18(1)
物业管理作为一个新兴行业,法律规范是其运作的基本前提和重要保障。我国目前仍没有一个具有权威性的物业管理的法律规范,现有的政策、法规尚不配套,未能形成一个有机的系统。我国现行《城市新建住宅小区管理办法》、《公司法》、《物业管理公司资质暂行规定》等法律、法规急待修订。 相似文献
243.
放逐作为一种古老的刑罚,中西皆行之久远.不过,从各国实践的情况看,放逐的发生、发展至最终的消亡是有其深刻原因的.结合到刑罚总体的发展史,刑罚的发展大致可以归纳为三个阶段:死刑、肉刑时代,自由刑时代,自由的刑时代.而从刑罚的主要表征看来,现时正是"自由刑"向"自由的刑"过渡的交接阶段. 相似文献
244.
王军 《中共山西省委党校学报》2003,26(6):43-45
文章回顾了我国个体私营经济的发展历程,重点对山西省的个体私营经济发展状况进行了考察,并对其发展前景进行了展望。 相似文献
245.
简论阿马蒂亚·森理论对中国反贫困的启示 总被引:8,自引:0,他引:8
李正彪 《中国青年政治学院学报》2003,21(1):140-143
"自由"有超越效率、经济利益的意义,发展就是自由的扩展。"自由"的基础是要有"可行能力"。市场的整体成就深深地依赖于政治和社会安排。贫困的实质不是收入的低下,而是可行能力的贫困或被剥夺。中国反贫困对策的核心是政府要通过恰当的公共政策来提高贫困人口的可行能力。 相似文献
246.
张凌炜 《广东行政学院学报》2003,15(2):61-64
贸易磨擦事件数量的上升是当今世界经济全球化发展的一种“不和谐音” ,是各国基于自身利益的考虑而推行贸易保护主义所引发的贸易冲突的集中表现 ,而这绝大部分冲突又恰恰是在以推行和实现世界贸易自由化为宗旨的世贸组织法律框架内所发生的。我国已经加入世贸组织 ,对这一问题作一反思 ,积极迎接挑战 ,具有特别的现实意义 相似文献
247.
Barker Terry Kram Tom Oberthür Sebastian Voogt Monique 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2001,1(2):243-265
This paper reviews the role of internal European Union (EU) policies and measures in implementing the target for greenhouse gas mitigation in the Kyoto Protocol. It starts with a discussion of the EU Burden Sharing Agreement, which distributes the target between Member States. This leads to a review of the appropriate level of implementation of policies, i.e. at the EU level or Member State level. There is a role for the flexible mechanisms of the Protocol, particularly emission permit trading, in complementing Member State policies at the EU level. The implementation is to be done against the background of three major factors which may have an important bearing on the policies: the probable long-term requirement of substantial reductions in greenhouse gas emissions a changing structure of energy markets, following liberalisation of the gas and electricity markets EU enlargement to include economies in transition with the potential for further substantial reductions in emissions.The paper concludes with a discussion of ancillary benefits of the policies that may be substantial and a summary of the position as regards the "unfinished business" of the Protocol to be discussed at the Conference of the Parties in the Hague in November 2000. 相似文献
248.
Andresen Steinar Butenschøn Siri Hals 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2001,1(3):337-356
Initially Norwegian climate policy was very ambitious and Norway stood forth as a pusher on the international scene. Over time Norwegian policy has become more sober, stressing the need for differentiated commitments and flexible implementation. In contrast to the initial enthusiastic phase, climate change policy has been increasingly seen in pragmatic economic terms. Still, Norway is no laggard, as it has shown more willingness to pay for abatement measures than many other countries. 相似文献
249.
Michaelowa Axel Dutschke Michael Stronzik Marcus 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2001,1(3):327-336
We suggest a multi-layered system of three convergence criteria – similar to those used in the run-up to the European monetary union – that define the notion of "demonstrable progress" towards reaching the emission commitments under the Kyoto Protocol. These are the existence of an independently evaluated national emissions inventory, the level of domestic policies and measures, and the quantitative convergence of emissions towards the Kyoto target. While the first of these criteria constitutes a necessary condition for use of the Kyoto Mechanisms, the other two should determine the degree of participation allowed for any given Annex I country. 相似文献
250.
Over the last two decades in the United States, mainstream environmental organizations have reduced, rather than increased, democratic participation by citizens in environmental problem-solving. The environmental justice movement, on the other hand, has served to enlarge the constituency of the environmental movement by incorporating poorer communities and oppressed people of color into environmental decision making process; build community capacity by developing campaigns and projects that address the common links between various social and environmental problems; and facilitate community empowerment by emphasizing grassroots organizing over advocacy. This paper outlines the different components in the environmental justice movement. It is our contention that if researchers and policymakers continue to conceive of the ecological crisis as a collection of unrelated problems, then it is possible that some combination of regulations, incentives, and technical innovations can keep pollution and resource destruction at tolerable levels for more affluent socioeconomic populations. However, poor working class communities and people of color which lack the political–economic resources to defend themselves will continue to suffer the worst abuses. However, if the interdependency of issues is emphasized as advocated by the environmental justice movement, then a transformative environmental politics can be invented. 相似文献