全文获取类型
收费全文 | 1550篇 |
免费 | 46篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 121篇 |
工人农民 | 224篇 |
世界政治 | 85篇 |
外交国际关系 | 72篇 |
法律 | 434篇 |
中国共产党 | 9篇 |
中国政治 | 299篇 |
政治理论 | 179篇 |
综合类 | 173篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 14篇 |
2022年 | 6篇 |
2021年 | 25篇 |
2020年 | 55篇 |
2019年 | 90篇 |
2018年 | 90篇 |
2017年 | 87篇 |
2016年 | 117篇 |
2015年 | 52篇 |
2014年 | 65篇 |
2013年 | 242篇 |
2012年 | 106篇 |
2011年 | 70篇 |
2010年 | 56篇 |
2009年 | 53篇 |
2008年 | 54篇 |
2007年 | 56篇 |
2006年 | 94篇 |
2005年 | 88篇 |
2004年 | 52篇 |
2003年 | 52篇 |
2002年 | 27篇 |
2001年 | 8篇 |
2000年 | 6篇 |
1999年 | 6篇 |
1998年 | 7篇 |
1997年 | 1篇 |
1996年 | 2篇 |
1995年 | 3篇 |
1993年 | 4篇 |
1992年 | 1篇 |
1990年 | 1篇 |
1989年 | 1篇 |
1988年 | 3篇 |
1987年 | 1篇 |
1985年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有1596条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
991.
Stephen K. Wegren Alexander Nikulin Irina Trotsuk Svetlana Golovina Marina Pugacheva 《后苏联事务》2013,29(5):367-396
Gender inequality in Russia's rural formal economy is examined using quantitative and qualitative data. Rural women continue to be underrepresented in farm managerial positions, and gendered income differences remain the norm. Rural women are underrepresented because they continue to have responsibility for most of the housework and child care. The traditional division of labor inside the household continues to dominate, thereby affecting women's career trajectories and earning potential. Value change about gendered roles in the formal economy has been minimal. 相似文献
992.
ABSTRACTWhile there have been many scholarly inquiries about the sources of support for terrorism among Muslim publics, to date, scholars have generally not asked whether or not gender predicts support for Islamist militancy. Instead, most scholars and officials assume that “men of military age” are the most important segment of interest. Instead, gender is usually treated as a “control variable” rather than a “study variable,” reflecting the paucity of interest in this subject. This is likely an important scholarly and policy-analytic oversight. Many terrorist groups have women’s wings and women-oriented publications and other outreach programs because they understand the important role that mothers, wives, and sisters play in a male family member’s decision to take up arms with a terrorist group. In some conflicts, women also join as combatants. In this paper, we seek to address these scholarly lacunae by examining gender-wise support for two militant groups based in and operating from Pakistan: the Afghan Taliban, which has no female outreach program, and the sectarian Sipha-e-Sahaba-e-Pakistan, which does. We leverage a dataset drawn from a relatively large national survey of Pakistanis collected in 2011 to model support for these groups using gender as an independent variable along with other demographic and control variables. We find that females are significantly more likely to support the sectarian group with a women’s outreach-wing. In contrast, there is no significant gender effect on support for the Afghan Taliban. We argue, from these results, that gender deserves more attention in understanding who supports and participates in Islamist militancy. 相似文献
993.
Niraja Gopal Jayal 《Democratization》2013,20(1):15-35
In 1992, India's Parliament enacted two constitutional amendments that sought to democratize local governance and engender it through quota-based reservations for women. This article asks whether participation in these institutions has enabled women to articulate and advance their interests. To evaluate this, the article deploys the distinction in feminist literature between strategic and practical gender interests. Through a survey of a wide range of studies conducted in different parts of India it points to the constraints, both of institutional design as well as of social inequalities of gender and caste, that inhibit a fuller and more effective participation by women. There is nevertheless evidence to suggest that the quotas have enabled women to address their practical gender needs and interests, even if the articulation and realization of strategic interests is moving at a somewhat slower pace. 相似文献
994.
《Journal of Civil Society》2013,9(1):100-104
AbstractScholars have recently begun to study civil society on the regional level more systematically. When regionalization of civil society is studied, it is often understood within processes of regional governance in which state actors craft regional institutions and policy frameworks to solve common problems. Yet, most studies dealing with civil society in regional governance have a state-centric approach, focusing on the marginalization of civil society organizations (CSOs) in such processes, treating them as rather passive actors. This is especially true for research on southern Africa. Contrary to previous studies, this article shows under what circumstances CSOs are granted space in regional policy-making related to the Southern African Development Community (SADC). It is concluded that, in light of CSOs' material and economic weakness, one of the key factors determining their advocacy success on the regional level is production of knowledge and strategic use of communication tools. Even though many challenges remain, for example, the power structures inherent in the SADC, the case of civil society advocacy around the SADC is a sign of a new form of participatory regional governance in the making, which is more democratic than present modes of regional governance in Africa. 相似文献
995.
《Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding》2013,7(1):48-69
Recently, the concept of hybridity has become popular within critical peacebuilding scholarship to explain the interplay of power between local and international actors in post-conflict contexts. However, a nuanced gender lens has often been missing from these analyses. This article develops a feminist critique and approach to hybridity in order to achieve a deeper sense of the effects that experiences and perspectives of international and local actors have upon peacebuilding initiatives. It begins to develop a feminist approach to hybridity via a case study of a gender security initiative concerned with challenging the prevalence of small arms and light weapons (SALW) abuse in domestic violence in Serbia. The article concludes by highlighting how this feminist perspective allows a richer understanding of the power relations shaping local and international interactions. 相似文献
996.
该文指出,公正评判中国男女平等的程度,正确诠释男女平等的丰富内涵,是认识社会性别与妇女发展状况的基本前提,必须科学地观察和理性地讨论。 相似文献
997.
对我国妇女发展和性别平等现状进行科学的评估是认识我国妇女发展和性别平等现状从而也是进一步促进妇女发展和实现性别平等的前提和基础。在全国妇联妇女研究所对整个中国妇女发展和性别平等状况进行评估的基础上,运用其所建立的指标体系和相关数据,对辽宁省的妇女发展和实现性别平等状况进行分析,对推动辽宁省的性别平等事业的继续发展具有重要的理论贡献。 相似文献
998.
刘希刚 《中华女子学院山东分院学报》2011,(4)
伴随后现代主义的扩展,后现代女性主义诞生并对国际女性运动产生了较大影响。抛开二者的差异性,后现代女性主义理论也可以为中国的男女平等妇女运动提供有益启示。我们有必要借鉴后现代女权主义的某些思想原则和观点,以促进中国男女平等的进程。 相似文献
999.
李桂燕 《中华女子学院山东分院学报》2011,(3)
对山东省8所有代表性的大学300多名学生进行的调查发现,男女大学生在恋爱观、婚姻观、性观念、性别意识等方面存在着明显的性别差异.影响其婚恋观的因素比较复杂,教育工作者有责任来促成大学生科学婚恋观的形成. 相似文献
1000.
《Bulletin of Latin American research》2018,37(3):291-305
We focus on the reproduction of gender inequality in the labour market, analysing everyday practices of social boundary demarcation that exclude women from accessing resources at work. We argue that women's diminished position in the labour market – or gender deficit – is a result of taken‐for‐granted, day‐to‐day practices, conditioning the distribution of resources. Taking Chilean professional women as a case study, we focus on labour market practices that uphold gendered evaluation criteria, reproduce social classifications, and engender exclusion through social boundary work that limits women's access to labour market benefits and rewards. 相似文献