发展权:社会主义初级阶段男女平等的突破口--从第二期上海妇女社会地位调查谈起

以自然分工为基础的男尊女卑的社会性别关系,从诞生之日起就是对妇女发展权的赤裸裸的剥夺,参加社会生产是妇女回归社会、获得发展权的开端,在国家的发展政策中纳入性别观点,使妇女和男性一样平等地参与、促进并享受社会发展是实现发展权、进而实现男女平等的重要环节。目前恰恰就在就业、参政和继续教育等和发展权维护有关的问题上,上海妇女发展遭遇前所未有的挑战。促进、维护和实现妇女发展权,不仅能大幅度提升妇女社会参与的能力与实力,也能大大加快社会民主法制的进程及经济、文化的发展。     

论罪刑相适应原则之刑法地位

罪刑相适应原则在国内刑法理论中早就提了出来,并在现行的刑法条文中有所表述。但对该原则的已有理论研究高度不够,视野狭窄。立足于罪刑相适应原则之于刑罚个别化、罪责刑相适应原则、罪刑法定原则、刑法面前人人平等原则和刑法人道主义原则的关系较为全面而深入地揭示了罪刑相适应原则的刑法核心原则地位,从而为宏观把握和整体领悟刑法开启一扇窗口。     

The Implementation of European Anti‐Discrimination Directives: Converging towards a Common Model?

This article examines the impact on national law and policy of two Directives on combating discrimination adopted by the EU in 2000. It considers the extent to which their transposition has resulted in the 'Europeanisation' of anti-discrimination law and whether this implies convergence in the direction of a common model. Two themes are examined: the list of protected grounds of discrimination and the creation of equality institutions. All 27 states have introduced legal reforms in response to the Directives and a loose level of convergence can be identified. Nevertheless, specific national traditions have proved resilient, for example, shaping the meaning attached to terms such as 'disability' or the structure and powers of equality bodies.     

邓小平民族思想要旨四论

民族问题无小事。当今世界一些多民族国家因民族问题而导致民族纠纷、冲突不断,乃至国家解体,造成了深重灾难。邓小平把马克思主义民族理论与当代中国民族实际相结合,初步回答了在中国这样一个经济文化比较落后的统一的多民族国家里,如何巩固和发展平等、团结、互助的民族关系,加速发展我国少数民族地区的建设,实现全民族共同进步、发展和繁荣的问题,创立了独具中国特色的马克思主义民族理论。本文从民族平等论、民族团结论、民族区域自治论和民族发展论四个方面,把握和阐发邓小平民族理论的基本内涵及当代价值。     

庄子思想的现代价值

庄子哲学中有许多与现代文明观念相吻合的思想资源 ,主要表现在以下几个方面 :自由精神、平等意识、张扬个性、和谐精神、不为物役、生态智慧、返朴归真、宽容精神和批判精神等 ,在现代化进程中 ,我们应有意识地借鉴这些宝贵的思想资源     

Towards a democracy-centred ethics

Abstract

The core idea of this paper is that we can use the differences between democratic and undemocratic governments to illuminate ethical problems. Democratic values, rights and institutions lie between the most abstract considerations of ethics and meta-ethics and the most particularised decisions, outcomes and contexts. Hence, this paper argues, we can use the differences between democratic and undemocratic governments, as we best understand them, to structure our theoretical investigations, to test and organise our intuitions and ideas, and to explain and justify our philosophical conclusions. Specifically, as we will see, a democracy-centred approach to ethics can help us to distinguish liberal and democratic approaches to political morality in ways that reflect the varieties of democratic theory, and the importance of distinguishing democratic from undemocratic forms of liberalism.     

依靠法治满足人民对美好生活的要求研究

美好生活是人民对于高品质生活的理想追求,而法治则在满足人民美好生活方面发挥着至关重要的作用.要通过法治的平等原则确保人人拥有平等的人格、规定人人相同的地位以及赋予人人同样的法律机会,为人的尊严感的达致奠定基础.人民福祉是法治的根本目标,要通过法律制度来缩小收入分配差距、确保不同群体之间资源的公平分配以及地域发展上的互补...     

国际法基本属性之思辨

以法学基本理论为依据,采用比较研究的方法,辨析了国际法的基本属性.国际法具有法的一般性质--规范性和强制性.国际法比国内法具有更显著的平等性和民主性.无论作为法的一个部门,还是作为一个法律体系,国际法都是独立的.     

What abolishing the family would not do

Abstract

Because families disrupt fair patterns of distribution and, in particular, equality of opportunity, egalitarians believe that the institution of the family needs to be defended at the bar of justice. In their recent book, Harry Brighouse and Adam Swift have argued that the moral gains of preserving the family outweigh its moral costs. Yet, I claim that the egalitarian case for abolishing the family has been over-stated due to a failure to consider how alternatives to the family would also disturb fair distributions and, in particular, equality of opportunity. Absent the family, children would continue to be exposed to care-givers of different levels of ability, investment in childrearing and beneficial partiality. In addition, social mechanisms other than the family would lead to the accumulation of economic inequalities. Any kind of upbringing will fail to realise equality for reasons that go deeper than the family: our partiality and unequal abilities to nurture.     

Grandes expectativas: la democracia mexicana y sus descontentos

There is no doubt that democracy in México has fallen short of expectations: it has not increased social and economic equality. Few people deem their participation in politics is now more effective than before, the elected government often fails to meet citizens' demands, and some regions of the country are seemingly under the control of violent drug cartels. These faults certainly fuel the voters' discontent with the democratic regime. The aim of this paper though is to focus on other less apparent sources of the existing intense political dissatisfaction. Mexicans are unsatisfied with their democratic government not only because it has not provided them with the social goods they are realistically or not expecting from democracy. They are also unhappy due to the perceived gap between an idealized notion of democracy and the way the existing democratic institutions actually work, as an odd ahistorical image of democracy has been constructed. The major claim of this work is that the critical standard of democracy assumed by Mexicans is inaccurate. It will be argued that this ideological misconception has had pernicious effects, as it has nurtured unreasonable expectations and has inhibited Mexicans from considering feasible reforms. It will be also examined in particular the role played by the pursuit of equity.