The United States,Japan, and the European Union: comparing political economy approaches to China

Abstract

This paper examines US, Japanese, and European political economy approaches to China, and their effect on US–Japan and US–EU relationships. Great powers with a greater security concern in dealing with another major country care more about power while those with less of a concern are preoccupied with calculations for wealth. China's rise and its actions have posed a far greater security challenge to the United States and Japan and are driving the two countries closer together. The political economy game involving China reveals a dominant welfare motive among the advanced market economies. The ambition to transform China politically has diminished. China's integration into the global market makes a relative gains approach difficult to implement. Globalization simply limits the ability of a state to follow a politics-in-command approach in the absence of actual military conflict, which explains why the political economy approaches of the United States, Europe, and Japan are not that different in the scheme of things. China's own grand strategy to reach out to the world to outflank the US–Japan alliance has also contributed to a divergent European policy toward China although there are severe limitations to Beijing's ability to drive a wedge between the United States and Europe.     

A critical evaluation of American drone strikes in Pakistan: legality,legitimacy and prudence

This article critically evaluates the American counterterrorism strategy of carrying out drone strikes in the tribal areas of Pakistan to enquire whether undertaking these actions could be described as a responsible policy. The analytical framework is introduced through the idea that, being a great power, the United States has a responsibility to act legally, legitimately and prudently. This framework is then applied to the current case study. The analysis concludes that it is not possible to classify the said policy as a responsible one.     

Foreign and Defence Policy on Australia's Political Agenda, 1962–2012

This paper explores the content of the Australian foreign and defence policy agenda over the past 50 years, finding evidence of both continuity and change. Australian political leaders have generally committed to cooperation with international institutions, wealth creation through engagement with Asian economies in particular, and security through the American alliance. In this period, changes in foreign policy approach either concerned marginal issues or were driven significantly by exogenous factors: by changes in the international environment or by global events that propelled a reconsideration of Australian foreign and defence policy interests. However, periods of policy change and significant public attention in – particular around the Vietnam and Iraq wars – illustrate the continued relevance of political choices and agency. Both conflicts and debates around them ushered in changing foreign and defence policy considerations, and both raised fundamental questions about Australian security and independence in the context of the American alliance.     

论邓小平与中华民族伟大复兴

邓小平领导中国人民开创中国特色社会主义新时代,他第一个提出先"建立小康社会",然后在建国100年基本实现社会主义现代化。他开辟改革开放的中国特色社会主义道路,为实现中华民族伟大复兴奠定了正确发展方向的历史基础;创立中国特色社会主义理论体系之基的邓小平理论,为实现中华民族伟大复兴奠定了正确指导思想的历史基础;始终坚持和发展而尚未完全明确其概念的中国特色社会主义制度,为实现中华民族伟大复兴奠定了根本制度的历史基础;规划未来中国发展宏伟愿景,为实现中华民族伟大复兴奠定了正确战略目标的历史基础。     

地缘政治回归进程中的非传统安全研究：十年评估与未来议程

非传统安全研究反对国家中心主义与国际关系中的零和思维,与强调国家间竞争甚至对抗关系的地缘政治具有难以调和的内在张力。然而,当前世界正处于自冷战结束以来地缘政治回归且不断强化的时期：美国视中国为系统性竞争对手并在“印太战略”名义下采取广泛的对华遏制措施,俄乌冲突成为冷战结束以后规模最大的一次地区战争,世界还见证了新一轮巴以冲突的突然爆发。地缘政治的回归对非传统安全领域产生了深刻的影响,原来更多强调合作与非零和关系的国际贸易、环境保护、科技合作、能源安全等非传统安全议题,越来越被传统安全逻辑所影响、扭曲甚至控制,非传统安全议题成为大国博弈工具,非传统安全合作举步维艰。通过检视自2014年以来的中国非传统安全研究成果可以发现,少量成果意识到了非传统安全问题的“传统安全化”,但多数研究仍然对非传统安全概念与范式抱有过度乐观的期待,对地缘政治的回归重视不够,对非传统安全及其研究所受到的影响估计不足。根据总体国家安全观统筹传统安全与非传统安全的要求,未来的非传统安全研究必须更具现实感和针对性,通过重新发现安全事实和完善分析框架,强化对地缘政治变量的重视,进一步提升自己的学术意义与现实价值。     

中亚安全形势的变化及其影响

2014年以来,中亚安全形势发生了较大的变化。塔利班频频越境袭扰,"伊斯兰国"不断向中亚渗透,加之跨境贩毒的有增无减使得中亚面临的安全压力不断增加。中亚安全形势变化的背后有着较为复杂的原因,其中既有美国对中东和阿富汗政策调整的因素,也有中亚国家自身政治经济军事体制转型过程中诸多问题的反应,此外还与中亚地区复杂的历史和民族问题有关。中亚安全形势的变化不仅迟滞了中亚国家的社会政治转型进程,还对参与该地区博弈的俄美欧等大国,尤其是对俄罗斯产生了重要的影响,对中国西北边疆的安全及即将实施的"丝绸之路经济带"战略也带来了较大的挑战。虽然目前中亚安全形势总体上仍在可控范围,但是中亚安全问题解决的前景仍然充满了不确定性,中短期内中亚的安全形势难以大幅改观。未来,我们必须要从多边、双边和个人等多个层面入手,加强国际合作,以有效应对中亚安全问题对中国的威胁。     

新时期加强创业文化建设的重大意义

新时期我国正处于现代化建设的关键时期.加强创业文化建设对现代化建设具有重大意义.加强创业文化建设是丰富和发展社会主义先进文化的重要途径;是构建社会主义和谐社会的内在要求;是促进人的自由全面发展的必然选择;是丰富人的精神生活、提高人的文化品位的长远大计;是弘扬民族创新精神,增强民族凝聚力的战略举措.     

西部大开发与少数民族青年干部培训工作

西部大开发,人才是关键.培养造就一支适应新形势新任务要求的少数民族干部队伍,是关系全局、人具有战略意义的紧迫任务.在对少数民族青年干部培训工作中要把握好五个方面教学内容要有较强的针对性和实效性;解放思想,更新观念,树立创新意识;加强民族政策与民族团结教育;尊重民族风俗习惯;组织好参观考察活动.     

云南建设我国通向东南亚、南亚国际大通道的主要制约因素分析

云南建设国际大通道的思路一经提出,许多专家、学者从不同角度论述了通道建设的必要性和可行性,从各方面说明了通道建设的意义和作用.实际上,云南建设我国通向东南亚、南亚国际大通道还存在许多制约因素,诸如经济增长对交通运输的需求、产业结构的变化、城市化水平、区域间的经济社会联系以及对外开放程度等.只有在分析清楚这些制约因素,并在具体实施中逐步解决相关的问题,才可能把国际大通道的建设扎扎实实地推向前进.     

改革开放以来我国行政管理体制改革的巨大成就

: 2 0年来 ,我国行政管理体制改革成就巨大 ,已经基本摆脱了旧计划经济管理体制的束缚 ,适应社会主义市场经济需要的新行政管理体制正在形成。主要成就表现在四个方面 :行政管理的民主化迈出重大步伐 ,行政管理的科学化取得很大进步 ,行政管理的法制化法律体系已经初步形成 ,行政管理的现代化正在逐步推行。