Neoconservatism,US–China conflict,and Australia's ‘great and powerful friends’ dilemma

Abstract

Following its time-honoured ‘great and powerful friends’ foreign policy tradition, Australia has been cultivating close ties simultaneously with the United States and China. Yet, as a rivalry between the two powers apparently looms large, Australia faces an acute dilemma. While the rise of China and the question of Taiwan are often cited as main causes of US–China discord, this article argues that the American neoconservative policy on China, underpinned by a belief in both military strength and moral clarity, is integral to this growing competition and is, by extension, partly responsible for the emergence of Australia's predicament. To avoid such a difficult choice, the article suggests that Australia should strive to curb the policy influence of neoconservatism both in the United States and at home by pursuing a more independent foreign policy, making clear its strategic postures on US–China relations, and helping establish a trilateral strategic forum between Australia, the United States, and China.     

Institutional transformation of ASEAN: ZOPFAN,TAC, and the Bali Concord I in 1968–1976

Abstract

Many international relations (IR) scholars discuss whether the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) possesses institutional utility in maintaining security in Southeast Asia or East Asia. While this has important implications for both academics and policy-makers, ASEAN's role has been too often evaluated in terms of what has persisted within the association rather than what changed. Yet, exploring the causes and processes of institutional transformation are particularly important because they have made ASEAN expand its security utility by creating security dialogues and fostering security cooperation in the region. In this context, the crucial question is: when and how has ASEAN changed?

Focusing on the causes and processes of institutional transformation which have occurred within ASEAN, this article explores ASEAN's transformation from 1968 to 1976, by using a theoretical model, developed from historical institutionalism and the punctuated equilibrium model. Applying this approach to institutional transformation of ASEAN in the political-security field, three transformation processes are constructed. First, ASEAN member states’ expected changes in the external security environment triggered internal discussions regarding ASEAN's political-security function; second, these internal political discussions fostered institutional consolidation of ASEAN during this period; and third, such direction of institutional transformation was fundamentally guided by ideas provided by institutional norm entrepreneurs (INEs), especially Malaysia's neutrality proposal.

In particular, this article examines the process of ASEAN's creation of the Zone of Peace, Freedom, and Neutrality (ZOPFAN) in 1971, and the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC) and the Bali Concord in 1976, and argues that this model shed light on the significance of ZOPFAN that created a foundation of TAC and the Bali Concord, for which conventional wisdom has dismissed as an insignificant institutional concept by academics and practitioners.     

全球治理与中国的战略选择

全球治理的理论起源于20世纪冷战终结之际,随着全球化的深入发展而形成。从现代世界体系和国际关系的发展角度来看,全球化最为直接的影响在于对传统大国产生巨大的冲击,即不断地将原来以国家为中心的国际体系逐步推向一个由多元权威结构构成的多元中心的全球体系。在全球化不断发展的国际环境下,大国之间的关系已经并非原有传统的、局限的、简单的大国关系,而是在多元行为体互动的过程中以合作为基础发展演变的大国关系,在这样的大国关系中,全球治理必然对大国关系产生巨大的影响。     

In search of real justice for Africa and Africans,and her/their descendants in a world of justice,injustices and impunity

Abstract

The quest for justice by Africans and peoples of African descent, wherever they may be in the world, is arguably one of the most daunting mental, psychological, moral, legal and material challenges facing humanity in general, and the peoples of Africa in particular. It is a question of whether African peoples demand justice for the wrongs committed against Africa and its peoples over the last 500 years, or whether Africa and African peoples accept complicity in the global impunity enjoyed by the perpetrators of those injustices, and by doing so diminish the significance of contemporary enthusiasm for global justice. Centralising the question of impunity to date for horrendous crimes, gross human and peoples’ rights violations and other injustices against Africa and Africans is not meant to distract Africans in Africa and the diaspora from the quest, in the 21^st century, for a new Africa that we have a historical responsibility to build and, by doing so, to ensure that the past is not repeated. Acknowledging the wrongs of the past and making symbolic reparative actions for those wrongs are essential for ensuring that the pursuit for a better world of justice is not built on top of underlying sinkholes and on the waste dumps of past injustices. Critical breakthroughs, such as the commitment enshrined in the Constitutive Act of the African Union (2000), on crimes against humanity, war crimes, genocide and the prohibition of unconstitutional change of government, must be vigorously pursued to their logical conclusion. To do so requires an understanding of where Africans, in their relationship with peoples in the rest of the world, are coming from. Smaller parts of the world have experienced similar heinous injustices with impunity, and Africa's pursuit of real justice also applies to those states and their peoples. Corrective or reparative justice is needed to clear the path for the meaningful and honest promotion of real global justice in the making of the future. It is imperative that the making of the African Renaissance confront real global justice for the sake of the past, the present and the future.     

大国北极博弈与中国北极能源安全——兼论“冰上丝绸之路”推进路径

在“海权论”“无主”“共有”等国际视阈下,北极地区的归属特别是能源资源权益的划分一直悬而未决——特别是在近年来北极环境变迁逐步加快、各国极地活动能力不断增强、全球能源竞争日趋激烈的背景下,各国拓宽能源获取渠道的需求已经变得越来越强烈。无论是以俄罗斯为代表的北极地区国家,还是以中国为代表的“非北极国家”,都对北极有着较强的能源权益声索以及能源安全维护需求。围绕着北极地区的公共与私有属性界定、开放与排他政策选择、法制与权力标准划分等诸多问题,各国之间展开了全方位的多轮博弈。目前,在各国北极政策“理念一致、目标冲突”的背景下,在北极开展合作特别是能源开发合作也越发困难重重。而对于提倡构建“冰上丝绸之路”的中国来说,要想维护本国在北极的能源安全,就必须借助在北极有重要影响力的国家的力量,通过分享理念、设置议题、促成合作等多种方式,实现对北极事务的有效介入。这将有助于规避因恶性竞争而带来的战略透支,为增强中国的北极能源开发话语权奠定基础。     

美国“一体化威慑”的战略逻辑：以AUKUS的演进为范例

在大国竞争背景下,美国拜登政府正式提出并实践“一体化威慑”战略概念。“一体化威慑”意味着通过跨越领域、区域、冲突域、部门、盟国和伙伴等五个维度的“一体化”调度,统筹“拒止性威慑”“韧性威慑”“直接和集体施加成本进行威慑”三种威慑逻辑,针对特定的竞争对手和安全问题施加威慑。在战略逻辑上,美国以“不对称多极”格局为基础,以海洋特别是西太平洋为主要场域,以中国为主要威慑对象并以“印太”为建构区域,通过“网络化”的作用方式,灵活统筹并“量身定制”地施加威慑。在“印太战略”推进下,“美英澳三边安全伙伴关系”(AUKUS)成为美国实施“一体化威慑”的范例。AUKUS由美国联合最亲密盟友发起,针对美国所谓的战略竞争对手中国,以西太平洋特别是南海、台海、东海为战略前沿,通过将“欧洲—大西洋”引入“印度—太平洋”来加强跨区域威慑,并以“全政府”方式运作,囊括核潜艇、高超声速等先进能力、网络和太空等重要领域,考虑不同冲突形态,不断取得进展。然而,AUKUS的进一步推进将面临诸多“一体化威慑”固有的内在和外在困难,未来仍存在不确定性。     

浅析高校无形资产的保护

高校人才荟萃,知识密集,是拥有和创造无形资产的重要基地。在这里,无形资产较为集中,但无形资产的流失也较为严重。从分析无形资产的特点入手,研究了无形资产的表现形式和流失原因,提出了作为高校保卫部门所应当采取的保护对策。     

关于信用卡诈骗罪认定的几个问题

根据我国《刑法》第196条规定,信用卡诈骗罪是指行为人以非法占有为目的,采用各种手段利用信用卡进行诈骗活动,骗取数额较大财物的行为。在司法实践中,认定信用卡诈骗罪应注意几个问题:一是罪与非罪的界限问题;二是盗窃并使用他人信用卡的问题;三是关于恶意透支型信用卡诈骗问题。     

论国际海上货运纠纷中经济损失的可赔性

海上货物运输纠纷中的损害事实指货方由于承运人的违约行为而遭到的损失 ,从实际发生的角度来看 ,损失包括货物物质上的损失以及经济损失。所以明确经济损失的可赔偿性以便以统一的尺度确定承运人的赔偿责任已成为当务之急。     

论渎职犯罪“损失”之判定

划定渎职罪损失的范围，应当将非物质性损失和间接损失纳入。渎职罪的间接损失系指由直接经济损失引起和牵连的其他损失。债权无法实现，可期待利益损失都是间接损失。渎职犯罪损失的计算应当以立案侦查时为最后期限。单次渎职行为造成的损失未达到犯罪，只要未经处理的，其损失数额可以累计。