社会危害性在犯罪构成理论中的地位探析

目前在刑法学界存在着社会危害性理论备受指责的现象,有的学者甚至认为应将社会危害性逐出我国的犯罪构成理论。这是不科学的。我们应该运用立体动态思维的方式正确分析犯罪概念、犯罪构成与罪刑法定主义的关系,不但要保留社会危害性的地位,更重要的是将其明确作为一个独立的犯罪成立的条件,这样才是对传统犯罪构成理论批判性的发展。     

青少年社会工作专业化与职业化初探

青少年社会工作是社会工作学科按照服务对象的年龄特征划分的一个重要种类和实施领域,其职业化和专业化的进程是社会工作职业化和专业化的重要组成部分,也关系到青少年社会工作的发展前途。在充分认识其重要性和客观分析其不足的同时,相关部门和人员要切实行动起来,使青少年社会工作职业化和专业化进程迈出坚实的一步。     

Book Reviews

Books reviewed in this article:
Charles Bergquist, Ricardo Peñaranda, and G. Gonzalo Sánchez (eds.), Violence in Colombia 1990––2000. Waging War and Negotiating Peace
H. Kline, State Building and Conflict Resolution in Colombia, 1986–1994
N. Richani, Systems of Violence. The Political Economy of War and Peace in Colombia
Maxwell A. Cameron, and Brian W. Tomlin, The Making of NAFTA: How the Deal Was Done
Ben Fallaw, Cárdenas Compromised: The Failure of Reform in Postrevolutionary Yucatán
Aníbal González, Killer Books: Writing, Violence, and Ethics in Modern Spanish American Narrative
Valerie Boyle (ed.), A South American Adventure: Letters from George Reid, 1867–1870
Caroline Salvin, A Pocket Eden. Guatemalan Journals 1873–1874/Un paraíso. Diarios guatemaltecos 1873–1874     

刑事政策体系中的民间社会与官方(国家)——一种基于治理理论的场域界分考察

治理理论是当今世界上颇具代表性的新型国家——社会关系架构和公共事务管理模式,也是认识刑事政策体系中民间社会与官方(国家)在犯罪抗制场域界分时的重要分析工具。运用这一工具可以看出,民间社会与官方(国家)在刑事政策体系中存在着专治与共治领域的治理分工。其中,专治领域是国家保有的专属犯罪抗制场域,共治领域则是官方(国家)与民间社会合作抗制犯罪的开放空间。同时,在共治领域中,官方(国家)与民间社会应形成协同支持、国家主导的伙伴关系。     

建国后中国社会结构的两次变迁与中国共产党执政思维的转变

社会的发展变化终究要以一定的社会结构体现出来。自新中国成立以来,中国的社会结构经历了两次重大变迁,而中国共产党执政思维的转变与社会结构的变迁是一个互动的历史过程。在社会分化与社会结构重构的历史条件下,社会各阶层之间关系的状况事关中国社会的长治久安。对此,中国共产党提出了构建社会主义和谐社会的理念,实现了中国共产党执政理念质的飞跃,完成了执政思维的历史性转变。     

刑事司法过程的社会效果与社会成本——关于刑事司法效率的思考

刑事司法的高效率不仅仅指司法过程的迅速和司法资源的低消耗,而且指司法过程良好的社会效果和社会成本的最低支付.司法的社会效果与社会成本被忽视,反映出人们司法效率理念的缺陷.提高刑事司法效率,应当注重司法过程的社会效果,防止司法成本社会化.     

Governance without a state: Can it work?

In this article we explore how much state is necessary to make governance work. We begin by clarifying concepts of governance and the “shadow of hierarchy” and we follow this clarification with a brief overview of empirical findings on governance research in developed countries. We then discuss the dilemmas for governance in areas of limited statehood, where political institutions are too weak to hierarchically adopt and enforce collectively binding rules. While prospects for effective policymaking appear to be rather bleak in these areas, we argue that governance research has consistently overlooked the existence of functional equivalents to the shadow of hierarchy. We assert that governance with(out) government can work even in the absence of a strong shadow of hierarchy, we identify functional equivalents to the shadow of hierarchy, and we discuss to what extent they can help overcome issues of legitimacy and effectiveness in areas of limited statehood.     

涉税犯罪案件的社会机理和成本防控

犯罪现象与社会发展动态密不可分,涉税犯罪案件也不例外,甚至在经济犯罪领域,社会要素与犯罪行为的相互作用过程更为突出。涉税犯罪案件的社会机理是以“税务服从”为逻辑起点,以个体意识、制度构建、规范践行、当局形态为要素的公众模式。成本干预最优化的防控策略,是设法通过对上述四个社会要素的合理资源投入,达到降低税务管理成本,加大涉税犯罪人的犯罪成本,使之承受因为涉税犯罪活动而得不偿失的压力,最终达到抑制涉税犯罪活动的目的,其措施包括发挥媒体教化作用引导、构建税务与警务部门的轻微涉税违法案件信息共享平台、提高经济专业知识等。     

Book Reviews

Books reviewed in this article:
Robert Barros, Constitutionalism and Dictatorship: Pinochet, the Junta and the 1980 Constitution
Barry Ames, The Deadlock of Democracy in Brazil
Christina Biebesheimer and Francisco Mejia (eds), Justice beyond our borders: judicial reforms for Latin America and the Caribbean
Jacobo Timerman, Prisoner without a Name, Cell without a Number
Rafael Hernández and John H. Coatsworth, Culturas Encontradas: Cuba y los Estados Unidos
Terence N. D'Altroy, The Incas
Anibal González, Killer Books: Writing, Violence and Ethics in Modern Spanish American Narrative
Efrain Kristal, Invisible Work: Borges and Translation
Beatriz Sarlo, Scenes from Postmodern Life     

Strengthening Green Global Governance in a Disparate World SocietyWould a World Environment Organisation Benefit the South?

The debate on the advantages and disadvantages of upgrading the United Nations Environment Programme to a 'world environment organisation' (WEO) has gained momentum in both academe and politics. This article contends that a WEO would further the interests especially of developing countries, because it would provide them, first, a high-level forum to unite their individual bargaining power against the major industrialised countries. Second, a WEO would assist Southern efforts to garner international support for environmental programmes in regions and sectors that are increasingly bypassed by economic globalisation. Third, a WEO would create a locus to politically institutionalise the influence of non-governmental lobbyists in a way that increases the balance of opinions and perspectives. The article then addresses special challenges and caveats for developing countries in the upcoming negotiation process, in particular whether an upgraded UNEP would address only 'global' issues, thus absolving the international community from assisting developing countries in mitigating the more pressing local environmental issues in the South; whether the new body would have powerful sanctioning mechanisms, which might disproportionally affect developing countries; and what decision-making procedures the new body would have.