Evidence for the role of the justice motive in status generalization processes

Status generalization refers to the capacity of status characteristics, such as race, gender, or occupation, to become the basis of social inequality even when such characteristics are not directly relevant to the immediate social interaction. For instance, individuals with positively valued status characteristics are more likely to assume positions of power and prestige than those of lower standing. To date, status generalization has been assumed to arise from stereotyped beliefs that associate positive standing on a status characteristic with positively valued personal attributes. Findings from two studies indicate that the capacity for status characteristics to produce power and prestige orders may also depend on people's need to believe in a just world. In the first study, participants were fortuitously granted a position of either superior or equal power and prestige to another person. Consistent with just world predictions, participants portrayed themselves more positively relative to the other on assessments of personal attributes when they occupied a superior position than when they occupied a position of equal power and prestige. Results from a second study showed that the tendency to link personal attributes with power and prestige standing was strongest for participants who scored high on the Just World Scale. Thus, just world beliefs appear to play a role in status generalization processes.     

A multivariate investigation of dating aggression

This study investigated the following variables for their unique and combined contributions to dating aggression: exposure to aggression in the family of origin (witnessing interparental aggression or being the victim of aggressive parenting); attitudes justifying dating aggression (when humiliated or in selfdefense); child-to-parent aggression; child sexual abuse; violent sexual victimization; alcohol use; and socioeconomic status. One hundred and eleven male and 179 female undergraduates reported on their own aggressive behaviors directed toward dating partners. Together, the predictor variables accounted for 41% of the variance in male-to-female aggression but only 16% of the female-to-male aggression. Humiliation, as a justification for dating aggression, contributes to the prediction of both males' and females' dating aggression, while self-defense, although a highly endorsed condition for justifying dating aggression, does not predict actual aggressive behavior. Exposure to interparental aggression plus the product between exposure and humiliation contribute to the prediction of males' dating aggression but exposure does not play a role in females' dating aggression. Violent sexual victimization contributes unique variance to both males' and females' dating aggression. The present data highlight the importance of examining specific circumstances under which males and females justify dating aggression and how such attitudes condoning aggression affect actual behaviors.     

毁损美术作品的刑法思考

故意毁损他人一般美术作品的 ,可能构成故意毁坏财物罪 :它侵犯的是复杂客体 ,行为本质在于使一般美术作品丧失效用 ,对象是一切属于他人的有经济价值的非文物美术作品、包括违禁美术作品。同时 ,有必要将通过毁损方式侵犯他人美术作品著作权、情节严重的行为 ,予以犯罪化。毁损文物美术作品的行为 ,根据主观过错的不同 ,则可能构成故意损毁文物罪或过失损毁文物罪     

Marital status and woman abuse theory

An area that has received insufficient attention in woman abuse studies is marital status. Although many feel that ending the marriage will end the violence, this may not be the case. An examination of National Crime Survey victimization data shows that most victims are, at the time of the interview, divorced or separated. There are reasons to believe that this is partially accounted for by the fact that many or even most women leave abusive relationships. If this is the case, then the traditional question of why women remain in battering marriages is improperly put. If most women do take appropriate steps, then we need much more information on both how women are victimized by ex-spouses and how women take active steps to improve their own lives.     

“人学”和历史唯物主义

就当下的马克思主义人学、人学的建构理念和途径来看,它们都没有摆脱历史唯物主义的核心范畴——实践的支援和支持。这样,最终使种种人学在运用“实践”来构建一种关于人的哲学体系时,根本不能与历史唯物主义的理论体系和观念相区别。所以,就目前中国马克思主义哲学研究来看,任何独立于历史唯物主义的人学建构或者试图将历史唯物主义范式人学化的企图都是一种不成熟和非法的建构。历史唯物主义范式的继续坚持和发展不能靠抽象的“人”本身来达到,而只能通过对现实人的实践活动中的问题表现来获得新的理论资源。     

析中国民族学北派和南派的学术倾向--以吴文藻、杨成志为例

中国民族学界在20世纪三四十年代就有了"北吴南杨"之说.北学派的代表人物吴文藻和南学派的代表人物杨成志虽求学、治学和教学经历不同,学术倾向各异,但他们对中国民族学的贡献都非常突出.比较和分析南北两派,凸显其与学派的关系,客观地看待两个学派的学术传统,师其所长,大有裨益,同时,有助于中国民族学研究的发展定向.     

Constructions of migrant rights in Canada: is subnational citizenship possible?

Devolutionary trends in immigration and social welfare policy have enabled different levels of government to define membership and confer rights to people residing within the political boundary of a province or municipality in ways that may contradict federal legal status. Drawing upon theories of postnational and deterritorialized citizenship, we examined the legal construction of social rights within federal, provincial, and municipal law in Toronto, Ontario. The study of these different policy arenas focuses on rights related to education, access to safety and police protection, and income assistance. Our analysis suggests that the interplay of intra-governmental laws produces an uneven terrain of social rights for people with precarious status. We argue that while provincial and municipal governments may rhetorically seek to advance the social rights of all people living within their territorial boundaries, program and funding guidelines ensure that national practices of market citizenship and the policing of non-citizen subjects are reproduced at local levels.     

中国女性伦理文化的历史传统、近代转型与未来发展

女性伦理是性别文化和伦理道德相结合的产物。中国女性伦理文化以男权主义为其生成背景,具有悠久的历史传统和鲜明的中国特色。时至近代,中国女性伦理文化在西方思想和女权主义的冲击下,在中国社会自身发展动力的推动下发生了重大转型,从而也奠定了现代中国女性伦理文化的基本雏形。进入21世纪,中国女性伦理文化又面临着未来发展问题,何去何从成为中国女性伦理文化研究的新问题。     

国有资本控制公司中国家工作人员刑法甄别疑难问题研究

国家出资公司中国家工作人员的身份确认不限于委派,更应强调国有资本代表权的授予。任命主体也不限于国有单位,国有资本控股、参股公司可以对国有资本运作的公务权力授权。国有资本控制公司中具有双重身份人员的主体认定,实际上无法根据其利用职务便利的性质进行研判,而应从国有资本是否实际受到侵蚀或实际损害的结果角度予以审视。     

中国特色社会主义政治发展道路的概念内容及历史考察

中国特色社会主义政治发展道路是中国特色社会主义道路的重要组成部分。2002年江泽民第一次提出了“政治发展道路”命题,党的十七大第一次提出“中国特色社会主义政治发展道路”科学的新概念,标志着中国特色社会主义政治发展道路概念的形成。中国共产党对中国特色社会主义政治发展道路实践的探索,经过了历史起点、探索形成和发展创新三个阶段。中国特色社会主义政治发展道路的确立,标志着社会主义民主政治建设进入一个新阶段,政治文明建设提升到一个新境界。