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111.
Despite a recent resurgence in research on the politics of migration, foreign policy analysts have yet to approach cross-border population mobility as a distinct field of inquiry. Particularly within the Global South, scant work has theorised the interplay between migration and interstate bargaining. This article proposes the framework of migration diplomacy to examine how mobility features in states’ issue-linkage strategies, in both cooperative and coercive contexts. Drawing on Arabic, French and English primary sources, it empirically demonstrates the salience of its framework through an analysis of Libya’s migration diplomacy towards its Arab, African and European neighbours under Muammar Gaddafi.  相似文献   
112.
Our understanding of causality and effect size in randomized field experiments is challenged by variations in levels of baseline treatment dosage in control groups across experiments testing similar treatments. The clearest design is to compare treated cases with no-treatment controls in a sample that lacks any prior treatment at baseline. We applied that strategy in a randomized test of hot-spots police patrols on the previously never-patrolled, track-level platforms of the London Underground (LU). In a pretest–posttest, control-group design, we randomly assigned 57 of the LU's 115 highest crime platforms to receive foot patrol by officers in 15-minute doses, 4 times per day, during 8-hour shifts on 4 days a week for 6 months. The effect of 23,272 police arrivals at the treatment hot spots over 26 weeks was to reduce public calls for service by 21 percent on treated platforms relative to controls, primarily when police were absent (97 percent of the measured effect). This effect was six times larger than the mean standardized effect size found in the leading systematic review. This finding provides a benchmark against the baseline counterfactual of no patrol in hot spots, with strong evidence of residual deterrence and no evidence of local displacement.  相似文献   
113.
This study evaluated the impact that Freddie Gray’s death on April, 19, 2015, had on homicides within Baltimore, Prince George’s County, and the rest of Maryland. The numbers of these deaths were compared in the 2 years prior and after his death. The average number of homicide per month in Baltimore and Prince George’s County, but not the rest of Maryland, showed a statistically significant increase in the 2 years after his death, with a sudden spike in homicides in Baltimore immediately following his death. Spatial density (“heat”) maps of homicides showed an increase in clustering of deaths after Freddie Gray’s demise in portions of Baltimore, particularly near his arrest site. Hot spot maps showed a massive expansion of statistically significant clusters of homicides in areas of West and East Baltimore after his death. An emerging hot spot analysis revealed consecutive hot spots in large areas of West Baltimore with new hot spots prominent along the southern edge of this area. A review of the history of Baltimore, as well as discussions with Baltimore homicide detectives, revealed that prior socioeconomic and political trends likely primed Baltimore for the protests and violence that occurred after Freddie Gray’s death. It is probable that a perceived “overcharging” of officers involved in his death by the State’s Attorney resulted in a “pullback” from policing that directly led to increased homicides in Baltimore.  相似文献   
114.
Abstract

The 2018 Italian election produced striking results, with both a historic success for the two challenger parties (League and M5S) and massive defeats for the two mainstream parties (PD and FI). This article analyses party campaign strategies and their consistency with the opportunity structures provided by the configuration of Italian public opinion. Relying on issue-yield theory, original survey data were collected for both issue support and priority among Italian voters, and party emphases on issues in the electoral campaign – through Twitter data. The findings indicate a generalised ideological inconsistency of the constituencies of the main parties, while campaign strategies appear much more ideologically consistent. Moreover, it is found that parties focused mostly on conflict-mobilisation strategies, rather than on problem solving. Finally, the article shows that, in general, parties acted strategically, by aligning their campaign to the available opportunities, although with relevant variations across parties.  相似文献   
115.
朝日“绑架问题”上的日本外交方针分析   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
朝日"绑架问题"历经小泉内阁、安倍内阁、福田内阁,已成为朝日邦交正常化的重大悬案之一。针对日益僵化的"绑架问题",小泉内阁以"绑架问题不解决,日朝邦交不会正常化"为基本原则,回避历史问题,企图完全以"对话和压力"的外交方针来解决"绑架问题"。而安倍内阁则继承和"发扬"小泉的上述方针,一味地强调以"压力"来解决"绑架问题"。福田当选日本首相以后,多次表示一揽子解决日朝间的历史问题和"绑架问题"的意愿。  相似文献   
116.
当前,顺义区正处在经济超高速、跨越式发展的战略机遇期,公安机关维护稳定、打击犯罪、治安管理和行政管理工作面临着新课题。必须在一些重大问题上创新公安对策,加速创新公安工作机制,与时俱进地创新警务方式,加快公安机关自身建设的步伐。  相似文献   
117.
姚健 《政法学刊》2004,21(5):35-36
生产、销售伪劣商品犯罪,涉及品种多、范围广、犯罪主体复杂、社会危害大,已严重破坏了正常的经济秩序,损害了广大消费者的经济利益。严厉打击生产、销售伪劣商品犯罪活动,已成为了刑法研究的重要课题之一。  相似文献   
118.
石漠化是我国岩溶地区最严重的生态环境问题,防治石漠化需要完善的法制保障。目前我国已经初步形成了防治石漠化的法律体系框架,但由于指导思想偏颇、管理体制失衡等原因,我国防治石漠化政策和法律中仍然存在专门性立法缺失、立法内容不适应、法律制度不健全等问题。因此,有必要通过完善立法,加强防治石漠化法制建设,逐步健全防治石漠化的法律体系、法律制度和监督管理体制。  相似文献   
119.
我国只有一套法院系统,没有设立行政法院,诉讼中的附属问题不是一个结构性的问题,而是一个具体法律制度和操作层面上的问题。即在行、民、刑三大诉讼交叉时程序如何设置,同一诉讼中涉及不同性质问题如何认定,同一法院系统如何协调、通盘运作等问题。  相似文献   
120.
丁国民 《河北法学》2003,21(6):31-36
乡镇企业改制是对历史遗留问题的理顺,其中涉及到政府、集体组织其他成员、企业负责人及企业职工等各方利益。依法界定企业产权关系,充分体现并协调好各利益相关者权益是法治社会的基本要求。为此必须树立并提高各利益相关者的法律意识。  相似文献   
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