Two-level games,issue politicization and the disarray of Taiwan’s cross-strait policy after the 2000 presidential election

This study aims to illuminate the interactive relationship between domestic politics and external policy in Taiwan’s mainland China policy after the 2000 presidential election. Following the logic of Putnam's two-level games, this paper demonstrates how the newly elected President Chen Shui-bian adopted an ambiguous and evasive approach as well as frequently shifted positions in his dealings with the mainland China issue due to the constraints of his pro-independence constituents and a vigilant, anti-independence Beijing. Employing Knopf's three-to-three games as well as Puchala’s issue politicization, it further shows how Taiwan's opposition parties—the KMT, the PFP, and the NP—as well as Chen's political rivals, took advantage of Chen’s inability to break the Strait impasse by initiating active engagement with Beijing in order to gain political advantages.     

Unemployment: A double burden and a public issue

Almost all European countries suffer from mass unemployment. More than 20 million persons in Europe are out of work. When the unemployment rate reaches such levels it can be assumed that it has implications not only for each unemployed individual but also for society as a whole. In this article, a distinction is made between unemployment as a private trouble and unemployment as a public issue. This distinction with regard to unemployment was introduced by Mills (1959) and illuminates the different, although interrelated, effects of unemployment on the individual and on the overall structure of society. The private trouble perspective raises the question of how individuals are affected by unemployment and the public issue examaines how unemployment affects society as a whole. We apply the reasoning by first discussing the relations between individual consequences of unemployment. We focus on two often neglected aspects, namely, economic hardship and shame. Then the implications for working life and society are discussed. There is much evidence indicating that the social and health consequences of unemployment are not limited to the unemployed and their families but also affect the working life and the overall structure of society. It is argued that mass unemployment might increase the process of social disintegration in society.     

《行政许可法》实话的难点及因应对策

《行政许可法》即将在2004年7月1日实施。该法的实施是中国行政管理法治化进程中的一个重要的里程碑,将带给政府、国家公务员和整个社会全新的现代行政管理的理念。在行政许可法实施前夕,讨论行政许可实施可能遇到的困难,在认真分析的基础上研究应对的方案则是聚焦的重点。     

基于义务的合作：角色理论与中美东亚安全互动

共同利益常被视为国际安全合作的重要基础,但鉴于中美之间的利益冲突众多,有必要把强调义务而非利益的、基于角色的合作模式作为补充的合作路径。在国际安全关系中,相关国家所应承担的角色及义务有其客观性,基于角色的合作能够为相关议题以及行为体间的合作提供一个相对客观、中性的规范指南与解决方案。朝鲜半岛核问题、南沙岛礁主权争端是东亚安全的两大挑战,中美在这两大问题上的角色互补,是两国基于角色推进良性安全互动的切入点。但出于维护地区霸权的利益考虑以及地区制约机制的缺乏,美国在这两个问题上的角色错位和义务失范趋势越来越明显:美国在朝核问题上逃避自己当事方的责任,本是南沙岛礁主权争端问题的第三方却试图选边站,使得东亚安全局势更加复杂,中美冲突的可能性增加。为此,有必要彰显规则意识,强调相关国家特别是美国在东亚安全议题上的角色义务,最终促使美国角色回归并与中国开展良性安全互动。     

Disopyramide and Mianserin Intoxication: A Unique Fatal Case – Review of the Literature

Lethal occurrence is exceptional after disopyramide or mianserin poisoning. A case of intentional lethal intoxication with these drugs was reported, as well as a review of the literature. Pre‐ and postmortem blood concentrations of disopyramide or mianserin were assessed in a woman who died from acute cardiac failure after ingestion. The premortem blood concentration of disopyramide alone was considered lethal, and a toxic premortem concentration of mianserin was observed that may have increased cardiovascular failure induced by disopyramide because the metabolism of both drugs is mediated via cytochrome P450. Moreover, it was shown that the postmortem redistribution of disopyramide was limited, as pre‐ and postmortem concentrations were 48 and 65 mg/L, respectively. As regards mianserin, redistribution was observed after death with pre‐ and portmortem concentrations at 0.23 and 0.79 mg/L, respectively. This case illustrates that if postmortem blood concentration of disopyramide is known, the premortem concentration can be deduced.     

吉林省行政执法热点、难点问题解析与对策研究

在深化行政执法体制改革的大背景下,准确把握当前吉林省行政执法工作中面临的热点、难点问题,认真剖析其原因,最终做到对症下药,既有利于不断提升全省依法行政的质量和水平,也有利于将法治吉林建设不断推向深入.     

How parties compete for votes: A test of saliency theory

Saliency theory is among the most influential accounts of party competition, not least in providing the theoretical framework for the Comparative Manifesto Project – one of the most widely used data collections in comparative politics. Despite its prominence, not all empirical implications of the saliency theory of party competition have yet been systematically tested. This article addresses five predictions of saliency theory, the central claim of which is that parties compete by selective issue emphasis rather than by direct confrontation. Since a fair test of the theory's assumptions needs to rely on data that measures party issue saliency and party positions independently, this article draws on new manifesto data from the Austrian National Election Study (AUTNES). Analysing all manifestos issued for the 2002, 2006 and 2008 general elections, it shows that saliency theory correctly identifies some features of party competition. For instance, parties disproportionally emphasise issues they ‘own’. Yet, the core assumption of saliency theory that parties compete via selective issue emphasis rather than direct confrontation over the same issues fails to materialise in the majority of cases.     

Introduction: negotiating the promotion of democracy

ABSTRACT

This article makes the case for why we should turn to studying democracy promotion negotiation, outlines the research questions guiding this special issue, identifies overarching findings and summarizes the individual contributions. After outlining the rationale for more attention to the issue of negotiation, which we understand as a specific form of interaction between external and local actors in democracy promotion, we outline three basic assumptions informing our research: (1) Democracy promotion is an international practice that is necessarily accompanied by processes of negotiation. (2) These negotiation processes, in turn, have an impact upon the practice and outcome of democracy promotion. (3) For external democracy promotion to be mutually owned and effective, genuine negotiations between ‘promoters’ and ‘local actors’ are indispensable; the term ‘genuine’ here being understood as including a substantial exchange on diverging values and interests. The article, then, introduces the three research questions for this agenda, concerning the issues on the negotiation table, the parameters shaping negotiation processes, and the results of democracy promotion negotiation. We conclude by presenting an overview of the overarching findings of the special issue as well as with brief summaries of the individual contributions.     

俄罗斯远东区域开发中的中国移民问题探讨

从普京到梅德韦杰夫,已经把俄罗斯远东及东西伯利亚地区开发提上国家议事日程,并使之与中国东北老工业基地振兴衔接起来,以求实现中俄两国边境区域合作开发的战略对接。而在这一过程中,即使在两国边境区域合作规划纲要着手实施、远东及东西伯利亚地区人力资源严重短缺的情况下,在俄罗斯仍然存在着所谓"中国威胁论"的虚构性喧嚣,致使中国移民问题一直没有得到合理解决。因此,有必要透析俄罗斯远东地区由移民问题而引发的"中国威胁论"背景因素,认定中国移民对俄罗斯远东及东西伯利亚地区开发的重要价值,做出解决中国移民问题的现实对策,只有这样努力实施下去,才能在俄罗斯远东及东西伯利亚地区开发进程中发挥"中国因素"的积极作用。