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221.
Many voluntary sustainability standards govern opaque environmental and social issues, which are difficult to understand and address. Extant studies show mixed evidence around the effectiveness of such standards. We develop a theoretical framework that relates different degrees and types of opacity to standard effectiveness. Systemic opacity results from issues embedded in complex, diverse, and dynamic settings, whereas behavioral opacity stems from human challenges in interpreting and acting upon focal issues. Rigid sustainability standards, oriented toward compliance, are effective for addressing issues that are transparent or enshrouded by behavioral opacity, but are counterproductive for issues with systemic opacity. The trade-off between rigidity and flexibility leads to optimal effectiveness when standards governing systemically and behaviorally opaque issues are moderately rigid. Our ideas are illustrated with two leading sustainability standards in the fisheries and real estate sectors, which effectively address transparent issues but show limited success when facing opacity. We conclude that unpacking issue opacity is instrumental in designing and implementing more effective sustainability standards. 相似文献
222.
Recent discussions about Iran’s nuclear issue have not only raised questions about its present and future policies but also over the past. The aim of this study is to identify historical analogies employed on the nuclear issue of Iran from 2003 to 2016. It shows how some senior government officials in Iran dealing with the nuclear issue have been fighting analogical battles, in terms of comparing Iran’s current situation with other historical events. Research findings suggest that “Hudaybiyya Peace Treaty,” “Peace Treaty of Imam Hassan,” “Treaty of Turkmenchay,” “Nationalization of Oil,” and “Resolution 598” are the episodes that different analogizers have used, as they present their agreement or disagreement with the negotiations over Iran’s nuclear policy. 相似文献
223.
The governments of Hungary and Poland have been accused of sliding toward semi‐authoritarianism. Systematic analyses of the responses of political actors at the EU level to these instances of alleged democratic backsliding are scarce, however. This article therefore investigates the responses of Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) to the issue of the quality of democracy and the rule of law in Hungary and Poland. On the basis of data on parliamentary questions and motions for resolutions, we analyse who puts these issues on the European Parliament's (EP's) internal agenda and what positions legislators subsequently take in votes on resolutions. We find that both ideological preferences and strategic interests determine MEPs’ responses to democratic backsliding. Our findings are important for research on EU responses to democratic backsliding in EU member states as well as for the literature on party competition in the EP. 相似文献
224.
ABSTRACTThis article makes the case for why we should turn to studying democracy promotion negotiation, outlines the research questions guiding this special issue, identifies overarching findings and summarizes the individual contributions. After outlining the rationale for more attention to the issue of negotiation, which we understand as a specific form of interaction between external and local actors in democracy promotion, we outline three basic assumptions informing our research: (1) Democracy promotion is an international practice that is necessarily accompanied by processes of negotiation. (2) These negotiation processes, in turn, have an impact upon the practice and outcome of democracy promotion. (3) For external democracy promotion to be mutually owned and effective, genuine negotiations between ‘promoters’ and ‘local actors’ are indispensable; the term ‘genuine’ here being understood as including a substantial exchange on diverging values and interests. The article, then, introduces the three research questions for this agenda, concerning the issues on the negotiation table, the parameters shaping negotiation processes, and the results of democracy promotion negotiation. We conclude by presenting an overview of the overarching findings of the special issue as well as with brief summaries of the individual contributions. 相似文献
225.
226.
We know much about how opinion leaders drive mass partisan polarization with position-taking cues but little on how different message types polarize citizens, and who responds most to those messages attributes. This article contributes new insights by investigating how exposure to common violent metaphors interacts with audience personality traits to polarize partisans on issues. Building from research on conflict orientations, we theorize that aggressive rhetoric primes aggression in aggressive partisans, motivating greater intransigence on party positions. As a consequence, aggressive partisans are pulled further apart on issues, thereby reducing prospects for compromise. We find support for our predictions in two large nationally diverse survey experiments conducted in very different political contexts. Our results demonstrate the subtle power of aggression in public opinion and highlight the important moderating role of individual differences in the communication of partisan conflict. 相似文献
227.
How do economic crises affect political representation in times of constrained government? Our paper shows that among voters salience of economic issues increases during economically harsh times. However, parties respond only to a limited degree to economic shocks, with the result that congruence between parties and voters decreases. We theorise the incentives and disincentives different political parties have in choosing a saliency strategy and we provide evidence on the extent to which congruence depends on the severity of economic shocks and the government/opposition status of the party. We draw on cross-national data to measure issue salience for parties (CMP) and voters (CSES). While our findings clearly indicate a decline of congruence in times of economic crisis, we also find that it remains best for government and office-seeking opposition parties. We substantiate this finding by unpacking the ways in which incumbent and office-seeking opposition parties address the economy in their manifestos. 相似文献
228.
张静 《贵州警官职业学院学报》2009,21(6):94-97
“人肉搜索”。—-一个令人不寒而栗的名词,而“人肉搜索”这种网络活动,正在成为中国互联网的“亲宠”。“人肉搜索”的初衷大多是好的,一般都是为求助者提供帮助成为弱者打抱不平,但个别“人肉搜索”事件结局却酷似私刑,游走于暴力与道德的边缘,发人深省。应从“人肉搜索第一案”入手,对“人肉搜索”现象引起的法律问题进行探讨,并就该种现象的立法规制提出一些设想,以期对我国的立法完善有所裨益。 相似文献
229.
Lorenzo De Sio 《West European politics》2020,43(3):688-719
AbstractThis article develops a pooled comparative analysis aimed at addressing two of the three overarching research questions of the special issue. It first discuss an ‘end of ideology’ research question: that is, whether party constituencies and party strategy show clear challenges to classic twentieth century ideological alignments. Second, it investigates the type of issue strategy that parties employ in this new ideological environment, expecting mainstream parties to stress a problem-solving approach, while challenger parties should favour a conflict-mobilisation strategy. Finally, the article combines these two fundamental dimensions (ideological consistency; reliance on problem-solving vs. conflict-mobilisation strategies) in order to identify party strategy innovations in current West European elections. 相似文献
230.
2006年11月13日,WTO公布了欧共体特定海关事项案的上诉机构报告。本案是关于贸易法规的执行争议,相关法律条款为GATT1994第10条第3款和DSU第6条第2款。美国在本案中控诉的是欧共体对海关法律的执行不统一。上诉机构最终判定欧共体对带数字视频接口的液晶数字显示器的海关归类违反了GATT1994第10条第3款a项。本案上诉机构对“职权范围”和“系争措施”的分析具有典型意义。 相似文献