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281.
修正的事实说:诉讼视野中的证据概念新解   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
周洪波 《法律科学》2010,28(2):88-100
证据的概念,是证据法和证据法学理论大厦的基石,然而,理论和立法表述都还存在着问题。就此而言,需要强调的是,诉讼意义上的证据概念,不仅应当反映出诉讼证明区别于其他认识或证明活动的特殊性原理,而且,应当能够承载特定法律对诉讼证明原理的独特要求。一个具有完整逻辑结构的一般性证据概念可以界定为:与待证事实(主张、判定)具有法律相关性、可直接观察认识的外在事实。由此观之,中国三大诉讼法的有关条文都需要修改。  相似文献   
282.
“全国首例非法证据排除案”法理研判   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0  
万毅 《证据科学》2011,19(6):657-666
全国首例非法证据排除案反映出非法证据排除规则在实践操作中需注意概念、效力、标准、程序四个重要的技术问题。非法证据是以严重侵犯人权的非法方法收集的证据,实践中要注意区分非法证据与瑕疵证据,切勿将非法证据误判作瑕疵证据。就效力而言,非法证据排除规则的"射程"应当及于侦查前程序。就判断标准来讲,除典型的刑讯逼供行为之外,疲劳审讯也应当纳入"等"字所指范畴予以禁止,而突破社会基本道德底限的威胁、引诱、欺骗性取证也应作为非法证据予以排除。在程序上审查非法证据,应当坚持举证责任倒置的原则,由控方承担证明证据取得具有合法性的举证责任,被告方仅承担"争点形成责任",同时控方应当举证证明至"排除合理怀疑"的程度。  相似文献   
283.
南海地区国家如何在主权纠纷未获解决的情况下开展区域安全治理及实现南海和平、稳定,这至今仍是一个尚未找到答案的问题。南海地区现有的区域安全治理理念、制度安排及其实践效果与地区国家实现南海和平、稳定的共同愿景之间还有不少落差。归根结底,这与中国、东盟与美国之间存在的结构性问题及由此产生的互信不足、缺失有关。南海区域安全治理的核心内容应聚焦于中国、东盟与美国之间存在的结构性问题及互信关系的建立,而致力于缓解与消除地区行为体"恐惧"心理与建立身份、角色认同的"安全共同体"在理论上有可能为实现南海安全塑造一条理想的路径。南海"安全共同体"在理论上虽与"安全共同体"相通,但它不强调一个集体身份的建立,而寻求在地区现有安全态势基础上致力于中国、东盟与美国等主要行为体之间信任关系与身份、角色认同的确立。惟此,南海地区建立"安全共同体"的标志———"和平变革可靠性预期"的条件才有可能得以成熟。  相似文献   
284.
285.
马忠法  葛淼 《河北法学》2020,38(1):2-19
国际秩序建立在国际法律制度基础之上,新格局之下的国际政治经济秩序需要相应的良法善治。以西方宗教文化为精神内核的当代国际法,面对人类当下存在的公共问题,已经难以做出有效应对。构建人类命运共同体之理念正是充分吸取了中国传统“和”文化的有益成分,对现存国际法治基础理论给予了补充和创新,对人类未来国际法治建设给予指导,因为“和”文化完全不同于西方“利”文化,更有助于实现不同文化、文明的和解和共荣。  相似文献   
286.
Several scholars have suggested that the United States can be compelled to reengage in the Kyoto process by linking cooperation on climate change to cooperation on trade or technology research and development. We argue that such issue linkage would likely fail and suggest that a more promising road to U.S. cooperation is to develop an alternative climate agreement based on federal U.S. climate policy. However, the question then becomes whether the Kyoto countries might be prepared to abandon the Kyoto process in favor of such a U.S.‐based agreement. We argue that if a U.S.‐based agreement were to be built on President Bush's current climate policy, the Kyoto countries (especially the European Union) would likely be reluctant to go along. However, if a U.S.‐based agreement were to be built on the many Kyoto‐like initiatives now emerging at state and local levels, the Kyoto countries might well be more favorably inclined.  相似文献   
287.
Civic fusion occurs when people bond across passionate difference to solve a shared public problem. It requires bringing people close together under conditions that enable them to bond, even as their polarizing beliefs remain intact. In managing multiparty multi‐issue negotiations, public policy mediators help disparate, passionate parties negotiate actionable agreements. To achieve and sustain civic fusion, interested parties recognize and acknowledge confining assumptions and move through a continuum in which their certainty about each other and their presumed solutions is challenged and transforms to uncertainty and then to curiosity. They connect across common public goals and find mutual understanding and respect for the interests of others as they come to understand and accept the opportunities and limitations that are inherent to their complex situations. A steady stream of new understandings moves people beyond their long‐held perspectives to foster productive negotiations and build innovative solutions. Ultimately, the parties generate sustainable consensus agreements even as they retain their deeply held and often opposing values and beliefs.  相似文献   
288.
我国新刑事诉讼法中对看守所的职能定位有了进一步的明确与完善,但对看守所隶属调整问题并未涉及。为了适应新刑事诉讼法的总体要求,管理看守所的上级部门分别从羁押理念、羁押管理、羁押形态、羁押目标等四个方面进行调整。但以上调整举措治标不治本,无法根除看守所现有弊病。因此,把看守所划归司法行政部门才是解决问题的根本之道。  相似文献   
289.
Abstract

The special issue introduced in this article presents the results of the Issue Competition Comparative Project (ICCP). The project uses issue yield theory to provide a general, comprehensive perspective on issue competition (party competition through issue strategy) that goes beyond the extant focus on specific parties or specific issues. Relying on voter surveys and Twitter data collected in the context of recent elections in six West European countries, we address several key research questions concerning issue competition: (a) whether the strategies of different parties are loyal to classic 20th-century ideological alignments or rather actively challenging them; (b) whether different parties opt for conflict-mobilization or problem-solving issue strategic approaches; (c) whether party adherence to the issue opportunities identified by issue yield theory are rewarded by better electoral performance.  相似文献   
290.
It is normatively desirable that parties’ policy positions match the views of their supporters, as citizens in Western democracies are primarily represented by and through parties. Existing research suggests that parties shift their policy positions, but as of today, there is only weak and inconsistent empirical evidence that voters actually perceive these shifts. Using individual-level panel data from Germany, United Kingdom, Ireland and the Netherlands, this article tests the proposition that voters perceive parties’ policy shifts only on salient issues while remaining oblivious to parties’ changing positions on issues that they do not consider important. The results demonstrate that issue saliency plays a fundamental role in explaining voters’ perceptions of parties’ policy shifts: according to this logic, democratic discourse between the elites and the electorate appears to take place at the level of policy issues that voters care about.  相似文献   
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