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71.
This study revisited the Philadelphia Foot Patrol Experiment and explored the longitudinal deterrent effects of foot patrol in violent crime hot spots using Sherman's (1990) concepts of initial and residual deterrence decay as a theoretical framework. It also explored whether the displacement uncovered during the initial evaluation decayed after the experiment ended. Multilevel growth curve models revealed that beats staffed for 22 weeks had a decaying deterrent effect during the course of the experiment, whereas those staffed for 12 weeks did not. None of the beats had residual deterrence effects relative to the control areas. The displacement uncovered had decayed during the 3 months after the experiment, and it is theoretically plausible that previously displaced offenders returned to the original target areas causing inverse displacement. These results are discussed in the context of Durlauf and Nagin's (2011) recent proposal that prison sentences should be shortened, mandatory minimum statutes repealed, and the cost savings generated by these policy changes shifted into policing budgets to convey more effectively the certainty of detection. It is concluded that if Durlauf and Nagin's proposal is to succeed, then more holistic policing strategies would likely be necessary. Foot patrol as a specific policing tactic seems to fit nicely into a variety of policing paradigms, and suggestions for incorporating them to move beyond strictly enforcement‐based responses are presented.  相似文献   
72.
从立法沿革来看,指定居所监视居住并不是一种新的强制措施,只是新刑诉法及刑诉规则对其适用做了细化和完善。在司法实践中,如何实现指定居所监视居住的法定功能,怎样防止将其异化为羁押措施?当务之急就是要以新刑诉法修订实施为背景,对指定居所监视居住的适用条件、执行场所和执行方法、人民检察院对指定居所监视居住的监督、保障被指定居所监视居住的犯罪嫌疑人、被告人的合法权益等问题进行深入研究。  相似文献   
73.
党的第四代领导集体,围绕“什么是社会主义民族问题、怎样正确处理社会主义民族问题”的主线,自觉地进行理论创新和实践落实。在理论创新方面,丰富发展了中国特色社会主义民族理论体系。在实践落实方面,围绕促进民族地区科学发展、谋求民族地区社会和谐两大任务,开创了民族工作新局面。  相似文献   
74.
Measuring media attention to politically relevant topics is of interest to a broad array of political science and communications scholars. We provide a practical guide for the construction, validation, and evaluation of time series measures of media attention. We review the extant literature on the coherence of the media agenda, which provides evidence in support of and evidence against the emergence of a single, national news agenda. Drawing expectations from this literature, we show the conditions under which a single national news agenda is likely to be present and where it is likely to be absent. We create 90 different keyword searches covering a wide range of topics and gather counts of stories per month from 12 national and regional media sources with data going back to 1980 where possible. We show using factor analysis wide variance in the strength of the first factor. We then estimate a regression model to predict this value. The results show the conditions under which any national source will produce time series results consistent with any other. Key independent variables are the average number of stories, the variance in stories per month, and the presence of any “spike” in the data series. Our large-scale empirical assessment should provide guidance to scholars assessing the quality of time series data on media coverage of issues.  相似文献   
75.
This study addresses the dynamics of the issue space in multiparty systems by examining to what extent, and under what conditions, parties respond to the issue ownership of other parties on the green issue. To understand why some issues become part and parcel of the political agenda in multiparty systems, it is crucial not only to examine the strategies of issue entrepreneurs, but also the responses of other parties. It is argued that the extent to which other parties respond to, rather than ignore, the issue mobilisation of green parties depends on two factors: how much of an electoral threat the green party poses to a specific party; and the extent to which the political and economic context makes the green issue a potential vote winner. To analyse the evolution of the green issue, a time‐series cross‐section analysis is conducted using data from the Comparative Manifestos Project for 19 West European countries from 1980–2010. The findings have important implications for understanding issue evolution in multiparty systems and how and why the dynamics of party competition on the green issue vary across time and space.  相似文献   
76.
Research has shown that voting in European elections is affected by domestic politics. However, in the last years, and particularly after the European debt crisis, also the EU has gained relevance and salience in national politics. In this paper we address the Europeanization of national elections and assess to what extent the characteristics of countries condition the intensity of EU issue voting. Using data from the European Election Studies and the Comparative Manifestos Project, our results demonstrate the importance of congruence between citizens' and parties’ positions on the EU for the individual vote on the national level and show how this varies across countries. We provide evidence that EU issue voting is more intense in countries with more political influence in the EU as well as in countries that are net contributors to EU funds.  相似文献   
77.
Abstract

A central part of representative democracy is that voters evaluate political parties based on how competently they handle issues, so-called ‘issue ownership’. Since issue ownership is a central ingredient in the vote choice, rival parties often try to influence how voters evaluate a competing party. This is an issue ownership attack. However, despite intense scholarly interest in issue ownership, the understanding of how parties shape issue ownership is very limited. Therefore a new theoretical model is tested here to understand issue ownership attack. Using several survey experiments, the analysis shows that a mainstream party can counteract another mainstream party’s issue ownership by reframing the issue and by blaming the party for its performance, but not by changing its own position on the issue. Hence, the study not only advances the understanding of issue ownership stability and change but also brings important insights on how parties influence voters.  相似文献   
78.
Abstract

This article develops and tests a model that explains election outcomes on the basis of party strategy. It employs a new comparative dataset linking representative mass surveys from six European countries with Twitter analysis of campaign activity. The expectation is that parties whose issue agendas exploit electoral opportunities while avoiding risks will be rewarded at the polls. These risks and opportunities are modelled using issue yield, a general framework summarising public support, electoral alignments, and party credibility. Empirically, the article traces a three-step process: (1) the configuration of electoral risks and opportunities (which is captured through public opinion surveys) guides party communication (measured with Twitter data), and to the degree that (2) parties design their campaigns strategically (identified through issue yield), this in turn (3) improves their electoral performance (measured using official statistics). The analysis explains some of the most salient election outcomes of recent years.  相似文献   
79.
调解的比较优势与法院调解制度的改革   总被引:18,自引:0,他引:18  
调解、仲裁与诉讼,是现代各国解决民事纠纷普遍采用的方式,每一种方式都有自己的鲜明特色和比较优势,正是比较优势的存在是纠纷当事人可以选择适合于自己的方式,与判决相比,调解具有自愿性,和解性,协商性,开放性,灵活性,保密性等八个方面的比较优势,我国现行调审合一的诉讼体制妨碍了法院调解发挥其比较优势,应当改革我国法院调解制度,实行诉讼内调审分离。  相似文献   
80.
进入新世纪,毒品犯罪在整个中国-东盟自由贸易区内仍然呈上升趋势,成为非传统安全领域中的新型威胁,成为中国-东盟自由贸易区经济建设的一大毒瘤,也成为区域内各国政府首当解决的问题之一.因此,研究中国-东盟之间毒品问题的现状和发展趋势,对于中国-东盟自由贸易区建设的顺利进行有着重要的现实意义.  相似文献   
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