论社会主义法治理念在法学体系中的核心价值

法学体系中的社会主义法治理念,体现了政治法学的中国风格,是政治法学的中国化表达。社会主义法治理念既是一门课程,也可以培育成为一门相对独立的分支学科,它在法学体系中的位置可以得到清晰的界定。在我国20世纪80年代的课程设置与法学体系中,已经出现了社会主义法治理念的雏形;在西方国家的课程设置与法学体系中,也可以找到它的对应物。因此,社会主义法治理念在法学体系中的核心价值,就在于把中国的法学体系悬挂在中国政治的天花板上、连接在中国政治的火车头上,以促成法学体系与现实政治之间的血脉贯通。     

媒介传播时态下的“微政治”：基本认知与中国语境

自媒体作为典型的媒介传播正在以一种前所未见的技术力量深刻地塑造着后传统社会的生态与情境,并将人类带入了微政治的全新时代。微政治不是传统的阶级政治,它是以网络传媒为代表的新兴技术力量嵌入并塑造的社会;是将普通人的日常事务纳入政策关切,从而带来治理结构转型的一场政治社会运动。微政治也对中国的社会政治结构变迁提出了挑战。     

20世纪90年代新马克思主义的多元社会结构理论评析

20世纪90年代后的西方新马克思主义的多元社会结构理论继承了70年代末以来新马克思主义的发展线索,否认阶级政治成为其理论时尚。它们聚焦全球化背景下传统工人阶级的衰落,突出以白领知识劳动者为主体的新中间阶级研究,分析资产阶级的内部分化,关注90年代全球化进程中产生的各种受排斥人群。尽管这些理论形式多样,但均以弱化资本主义社会的阶级和阶级冲突为共同特征,主张以个体的文化权力抗争取代阶级斗争。新马克思主义以社会多元主义话语全面取代马克思主义的阶级话语,充分体现了后现代主义哲学思潮和后马克思主义政治思潮对西方发达国家左翼的广泛渗透,性质上属于一种异质于马克思主义的社会结构理论。     

社会主义民主政治视角下网络监督的非理性隐忧及其化解——一项对系列“微博反腐”案件进行的语言与心理分析

“微博反腐”是网络监督的一种形式.本文从语言和心理的角度对近年来一系列“微博反腐”案件中转发与评论的内容进行分析后认为:“微博反腐”在成为一种新兴的外部监督方式的同时还存在一些非理性的隐患.其原因在于:微博自身及使用人群的特点,中国长期制度化监督的不足与民意的积存,集群行为的特点以及公众政治知识与民主能力和意识的欠缺.因此,通过建立和实施体制内外有效对接的制度化监督机制,规范民主程序,保障公众民主权利,推进社会主义民主的发展,重建社会价值体系等措施,可以消解网络监督非理性隐忧,使其成为一种有效的体制外监督方式.     

Do Women Representatives Regender Legislative Bureaucracy? Assessing the Effect of Representative Sex on Women's Presence among US Congressional Staff

Achieving greater female presence in influential positions is a commonly discussed strategy for gender reform in institutions such as the US Congress. Using theory adapted from research on gender in the workplace, this study examines whether women representatives, as ‘managers’ of congressional offices, alter patterns of gender representation in Congress by hiring and promoting more women staffers compared with men representatives. Cross-sectional logistic regression analyses of staffer sex during the 110th and 111th Congresses (2007–10) reveal a positive relationship between women representatives and female presence on congressional staffs. However, the relationship does not hold with respect to the most influential staff positions. These findings provide only limited support for theories that women representatives act as ‘change agents’ by directly facilitating opportunities for women, and highlight the importance of exploring alternative strategies for empowering women and regendering legislative institutions.     

“一体双权”:中国政治学的一个分析框架——与景跃进教授商榷和对话

在《中国政治学的转型:分化与定位》一文中,景跃进教授将政治共同体确立为中国政治学的逻辑起点,揭示维系中国大一统的集权逻辑,搭建了一个国体、政体和政治共同体“三位一体”的中国政治学分析框架。景跃进教授提出的问题及所做出的分析极具启发性,但仍有进一步商榷和对话的空间。中国政治学研究的逻辑起点是现代性的国家共同体;现代性国家共同体既服从统一逻辑,又遵循共和逻辑。在“一体双权”的中国政治学分析框架中,“一体”是指现代国家共同体以主权独立、领土完整、国族一体等为核心内容的一体格局和统一状态,体现统一逻辑;“双权”则包括“民权”和“国权”,处理二者之关系的制度安排事关共和逻辑能否得到实现。相对于“三位一体”的中国政治学分析框架,“一体双权”有一定的理论优势,有可能拓展中国政治学的学术研究范围,为中国政治学和西方政治学的对话提供更加开放的交集空间。     

From issues to goals: a novel conceptualisation,measurement and research design for comprehensive analysis of electoral competition

Abstract

The analysis of issue politics has long suffered from a fragmentation between valence and positional conceptualisations, preventing the effective development of a general model of issue-based party competition. Building on an overview of the evolution of party competition in the Western world in recent decades, this article offers a theoretical development that builds on ‘issue yield’ theory to provide a conceptualisation of political goals that generalises across positional and valence issues. This in turn allows a common measurement strategy, offering the possibility to comparatively assess various characteristics (including the electoral potential) of both positional and valence issues. Finally, it describes the specific research design derived from this framework and its implementation in comparative perspective in six West European countries during 2017–2018.     

The opposition Pakatan Rakyat in the twelfth Malaysian parliament, 2008–12, and parliamentary behaviour on the budget process

In the post-2008 Malaysian general election, the opposition political parties the Parti KeADILan Rakyat, the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party and the Democratic Action Party started to gain currency, especially when the ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) government was denied its two-thirds of the majority in parliament. The 2008 result indicated that there was a substantial shift in support from the incumbent BN to the opposition parties. The opposition later on was formed into a coalition known as Pakatan Rakyat (PR). The minor victory of the PR in the 2008 election suggested that it had secured a considerable number of seats in the twelfth Malaysian parliament. This article argues that the 2008 electoral outcome exhibited substantial competitive parliamentary behaviour despite the authoritarian nature of Malaysia. The article examines PR behaviour in the twelfth parliament with reference to the budget process. Besides elections, the Malaysian parliament is a very crucial indicator of the development of democratic governance in Malaysia. This article argues that the opposition PR is still relevant in the way in which it has fully exercised its legal parliamentary capability, especially its de facto leader Anwar Ibrahim, in questioning and posing constraints on the ruling BN policies concerning the budget process.     

Beveridge at Eighty: Learning the Right Lessons

The eightieth anniversary of the Beveridge inquiry is a timely moment to consider how the landmark report is used within contemporary UK politics. Calls for a ‘new Beveridge’ reflect a desire for a rupture with the past and the creation of a radical new welfare consensus. But this reflects a misunderstanding: Beveridge's approach was organic in nature, building on decades of experimentation, politically contested rather than consensual, and intellectually pluralist rather than moored to a single ideological worldview. The real insight Beveridge offers us today flows not from his substantive agenda—which was rooted in a particular set of historic circumstances—but as an approach to securing social reform. Successful welfare advances over the last generation have drawn on these ‘Beveridgean instincts’. Rather than calling for a new twenty-first century blueprint to be handed down from above, reformers should build on experimentation and successful incremental change, from within the UK and abroad.     

网络空间军事化及其国际政治影响

网络空间军事化是指各国将网络空间相关的资源及技术持续投入军事和安全领域以实现战略目标的过程。近年来,国际网络空间军事化的速度明显加快,各国先后通过一系列举措来完善网络安全战略规划,扩张网络军事组织体系,并在物理、应用和人文层面强化自身的进攻性网络行动能力。网络空间军事化对国际政治领域造成了较为明显的影响,网络空间威胁被"过度安全化","网络军备竞赛"提上日程,"网络恐怖主义"如影随形。为了应对这种复杂局面和态势,各国开始发展在网络空间的威慑能力,积极投入网络空间国际规则的制定,并致力于推动关键基础设施保护由传统国内治理模式转向有限度的国际合作。探讨网络空间军事化及其国际政治影响,分析各国以及国际社会的应对方式及其限度,对于深入理解当前网络空间国际治理的现状及其困境具有重要意义。