Class war-on-terror: counterterrorism,accumulation, crisis

This article discusses US counterterrorism from a class perspective. It sees counterterrorism as a state policy with differential effects on different social classes. In doing so, the article starts to address a lacuna in critical studies of counterterrorism, which tend to be rather structural and formal, thus ignoring the pertinence of counterterrorism to the field of social dynamics. To partly rectify this blind spot by addressing some class implications of counterterrorism, the article examines the effects of counterterrorism policy on capital accumulation and its social conditions. It notes that counterterrorism has different implications along class-lines: for dominant capital, it signifies appropriation of public money and direct participation in political decisions; for everyone else, it means material dispossession and political exclusion. Given that counterterrorism was developed between two crises of neoliberalism, the article distinguishes between economic crises, which tend to benefit capitalism, and political crises, which can be destructive, and suggests that counterterrorism is partly a restructuring of the neoliberal state so that it can manage recurring economic crises, while preventing their evolution into political ones.     

汉语热词的集体记忆与社会认同——“给力”等词流行的社会学解读

2010年最流行的汉语热词是我们认识社会的一个侧面,它们反映了社会、媒介和民众的变化。汉语热词通过文化符号、历史延续和社会责任,来产生集体记忆,再通过制造共识和话语扩张来达到社会认同。不过,同时要注意汉语热词的现实性和示范性的特点,对其在社会中产生的作用进行辩证分析。     

State,Society and Markets in Argentina: The Political Economy of Neodesarrollismo under Néstor Kirchner, 2003–2007

The national Peronist social contract in Argentina has a long history rooted in syndicalism and populism. However, Menemismo in the 1990s, El Argentinazo in December 2001, and Kirchnerismo post crisis have all served to change the fundamental framework of the Argentine economy, the social underpinnings of that economy and how it intersects with global capital. This article is an attempt to identify the nature of Kirchner's administration through analysis of political economy, therefore seeking to facilitate a deeper understanding of the developmental nature and impact of the Kirchner administration of 2003–2007.     

国家与乡村社会关系的演绎与1959-1961年的农业危机

1959-1961年的农业危机是在国家控制力极强、乡村社会自治性极弱的政治格局下,基层民众被迫执行国家一系列非理性政策的结果.近代以来,国家政权建设表现为单方面的国家权力下沉态势,地方社会的自治性不断削弱.随着1949年新政权的建立,国家对乡村社会的控制达到前所未有的规模与深度,二者演变为控制与被控制、挤压与被挤压的极端不对等关系.在此状态下,国家权力极度扩张而发生非理性的行为,乡村社会"缓冲地带"消融,面对外界的过度索取失去免疫力,无力抵抗,最终酿成农业危机.     

现代教育的信仰追求——本真教育

在当代唯科学主义的背景下,知识像产品一样被生产出来。教育也陷入功利主义的陷阱开始走向自己的反面:不再关注受教育者人生意义的引导而是单纯的科学知识的传递。这种教育所培养的人,工具理性膨胀而个人情感匮乏。人们开始否定信仰对于社会和人的重要作用,失去信仰,失去意义,失去理想,心灵深处没有了根基,人生失去目标和追求,无法建立自我。质言之,教育的失真和理想信仰的匮乏已经造成当代的信仰危机。     

国内关于国外生态学马克思主义的研究综述

生态学马克思主义是西方马克思主义的重要流派之一。近些年,随着生态环境问题越来越受到大家的关注,国内学者对国外生态学马克思主义主要从整体理论内容、主要代表人物、与马克思主义的关系三个方面做了很多有意义的研究和探索,形成了一个专门从事这方面研究的学术群,并且取得了很大的成果,为我们进一步从其他角度深入探讨国外生态学马克思主义提供了必要的理论依据和参考。     

警察心理危机干预探讨

警察心理危机的现状,要求学界在对数据和事实分析的基础上,建立健全警察心理危机干预的措施和方法,帮助警察改变自身对事件的认知方向、全方位构建有助于警察心理健康的社会支持系统、建立科学的心理咨询服务中心的工作机制等,以期对警察心理危机干预产生良好的作用。     

中国现代知识分子政治认同问题探析

政治认同是一种政治制度得以维系的重要粘合力,也是执政党进行政治统治的核心要求。中国现代知识分子在中国历史舞台上扮演着重要的角色。由于受历史条件、社会背景以及群体特殊性的影响,导致了中国现代知识分子的政治认同历程极其复杂曲折,主要经历了三种不同的认同道路：一种是接受无产阶级的领导,走与工农群众相结合的革命道路;一种是依附于反动势力,走上违背历史发展规律的不归之路;还有种就是自成一派,积极探寻解决中国问题的第三条道路。随着中国革命的胜利,中国现代知识分子的认同与选择逐渐明朗,大部分接受和认同了无产阶级政权,置身共产主义事业。这样的选择,与其说是知识分子的,不如说是历史的。     

Bagehot Smiling: Gordon Brown's ‘New Constitution’ and the Revolution that Did Not Happen

The MPs expenses scandal that erupted in May 2009 has certainly rekindled interest in the next stage of constitutional reform and democratic renewal in Britain. This article examines how Gordon Brown's tenure as Prime Minister has differed from Tony Blair's in relation to the ‘new politics’ narrative. It argues that despite his long‐term personal commitment to major constitutional reforms, the role of crises in recalibrating the political opportunity structure and the manner in which electoral incentives can alter elite attitudes to institutional change that Brown's tenure can be characterised by optimism followed by timidity. Gordon Brown may have flown a few kites in relation to a written constitution, electoral reform, English devolution and the future of the House of Lords but he has left things far too late for a ‘constitutional moment’. Brown may have the political inclination but he lacks the capacity to deliver far‐reaching reform; Cameron is likely to have the capacity but not the inclination.     

关于警务危机干预理论与实践探讨

警务危机干预理论和技术是公安机关做好群众工作行之有效的方法之一,它可以大大缓解矛盾激化而可能引发的恶性事件、案件的发生,也可以提高公众心理危机认知水平,预防心理障碍和疾病的发生,以积极健康的心态适应社会环境,化解因社会矛盾而引发的心理困惑．减少不必要的对抗和冲突．引导并创建祥和文明的社会,是新时期探讨警务工作机制的又一重要工作方式。