论民国时期（1924—1949）国民党三民主义意识形态的缺陷

民国时期国民党三民主义意识形态在建构上呈现保守性、垄断性和法西斯化趋向，在意识形态宣传运作上呈现弱势化和重军队政府轻视党务的特点，由此导致三民主义意识形态无能、无力渗透到基层，国民党的腐化劣化更使其意识形态宣传失去公信力。     

世博会期间大学思想政治工作的机遇和挑战

百年世博会为大学生思想政治工作带来了新的机遇。原因在于世博精神与大学精神具有内在的一致性。同时,世博会也是对大学生进行思想政治工作教育的生动课堂。世博期间广大大学生志愿者和志愿者背后的志愿者通过参与世博、服务世博、奉献世博,使他们的爱国热情得到升华,服务社会的意愿得到践行。     

Rapporteur-shadow rapporteur networks in the European Parliament: The strength of small numbers

Specialisation and delegation of policy leadership within committees is the norm rather than the exception in legislatures around the world. Yet, little research has studied the sub-groups of lawmakers who serve as policy leaders on particular bills. This article uses conceptual and methodological tools from social network analysis to investigate the groups’ composition and relational structure. It tests the proposition that limited human resources lead lawmakers from small parties to more frequently engage with a greater number of colleagues from other parties across a wider range of policy areas. This may have important relational benefits that have the potential to outweigh the structural disadvantages of small party size. The article examines whether small party lawmakers participate more, are more central and have greater potential for brokerage in policy-making networks, or if the constraints associated with small party size and/or particular ideological leanings prevent their realisation. Empirically, the analyses focus on working relationships between rapporteurs and shadow rapporteurs in the adoption of reports by standing committees of the 7^th European Parliament, 2009–2014. Methodologically, a mixed methods approach is employed. The quantitative analyses show that small party size does not affect legislators’ participation in policy-making networks, but that it increases legislators’ centrality and brokerage potential. Regarding ideology, being committed to democratic participation as a good in itself has a positive association with all three outcomes, while attitudes to European integration show no effect. The qualitative data suggest that the relational benefits of belonging to a small party partially mitigate the structural disadvantages associated with it. They also indicate that policy making in the European Parliament is quite inclusive, as any systematic exclusion tends to be the result of self-marginalisation.     

高校思政理论课贯彻“四个全面”重要思想的实施路径研究

随着"四个全面"重要思想的提出,国内掀起了学习"四个全面"重要思想的高潮。高校作为宣传"四个全面"重要思想的"主力军",在学习贯彻"四个全面"重要思想过程中起着重要的作用。笔者分析了高校贯彻"四个全面"重要思想的现状,着重分析了高校贯彻"四个全面"重要思想的优势与不足,同时分析了高校贯彻"四个全面"精神的实效性。通过上述研究得出,注重教材内容与"四个全面"精神的紧密结合、突出人文教育在思想政治教学中的地位、开辟"第二课堂"与考核形式多样化是高校贯彻"四个全面"精神的重要内容与途径。     

TOWARD A BETTER UNDERSTANDING OF POLITICIZED POLICING ATTITUDES: CONFLICTED CONSERVATISM AND SUPPORT FOR POLICE USE OF FORCE

America is in the midst of an extraordinary public debate about police policy. “Conflicted conservatives,” who are symbolically conservative but operationally liberal, may have a disproportionate influence on policy making. Specifically, conflicted conservatives may be more likely to vote across party lines because they attend more to utilitarian concerns about social conditions and government performance than to symbolic issues. Prior criminological research, however, typically has treated conservatives as a homogenous group. We use data from the General Social Survey to explore the extent and correlates of global and situational support for police use of force among conflicted conservatives and other political groups. The findings from logistic regression models estimated with two analytic samples (N = 11,119 and 2,069) indicate that conflicted conservatives’ attitudes about police use of force are distinct from those of “consistent conservatives” who are both symbolically and operationally conservative, but do not reflect a unique consideration of utilitarian concerns over symbolic beliefs. Two other notable findings emerged: 1) Racial attitudes predicted support for police use of excessive force invariably across political groups and 2) public support for excessive force increased substantially during the first decade of the twenty‐first century, sharply contrasting trends in general punitive sentiment.     

网络时代信息安全问题浅析

随着网络技术的发展,网络的开放性、共享性、互联程度不断提高,网络的重要性和对社会的影响越来越大,网络信息的安全问题显得越来越重要。网络信息的安全是指:信息的可靠性、可用性、保密性和完整性。     

论江泽民的科学文化思想

科学文化,在中国的现代化发展过程中具有极其重要的地位和作用,这不仅表现在经济的发展上,同时表现在社会的组织管理、运作关系及机制上。以江泽民为代表的党的第三代领导集体,在领导建设中国特色社会主义的进程中,全面、系统地发展了马克思主义的科学观,形成了比较完整的科学文化思想。江泽民的科学文化思想包括科学文化的内涵、科学文化在社会发展中的地位作用、科学文化的内容结构以及如何对待世界科学文化成果和科学文化的建设等。     

浅析网络文化对我国少数民族文化的冲击及对策

在网络技术飞速发展的今天,网络文化正日益渗透到社会生活的各个领域,我们的少数民族文化也同样遭受到了前所未有的冲击和挑战。在新的世纪,我们应如何应对这些挑战,政府的作用不可忽视。本文就以此为出发点,探讨网络文化对我国少数民族文化的冲击及对策分析。     

艺术类大学生思想道德素质状况解析——以江苏高校为例

在问卷调查的基础上,从思想政治、理想信念和道德素养三个方面对艺术类大学生思想道德素质状况进行了较为全面的调查与分析结果显示,艺术专业大学生思想道德素质的总体状况是健康向上和积极进取的,同时,值得重视的是,随着我国社会的经济成分、组织形式、就业状况、利益关系和分配方式日益多样化的态势也给一部分艺术专业大学生思想道德发展带来了不少负面影响,为此,我们应大力加强理想信念教育和爱国主义教育,进一步充实法制、诚信与合作意识教育的内容,积极建构和努力推进心理健康教育的新模式.     

研究科学发展观的崭新视角——对科学发展观意识形态性的解析

研究科学发展观可以有许多视角,从意识形态范畴来研究科学发展观是一个十分重要的视角,对于正确把握它的历史定位和合理内涵,具有重要的理论和现实意义。发展观不仅仅是认识论意义上对发展规律的认识,更是一套价值观念,包括目的、态度和方法选择,归属意识形态范畴;科学发展观坚持唯物史观,体现社会主义的本质要求,扬弃西方传统思维方式、文明模式、生活方式,是社会主义极为重要的意识形态;科学发展观通过发展集体主义价值观、丰富共产党执政伦理、界定伟大行动纲领、提出和谐世界理念,进一步丰富和发展了社会主义意识形态理论。