国家与政府在经济法中的定位

“国家”和“政府”这两个概念在经济法语境下的使用多存在混乱。这种混乱集中表现在经济法的本质是国家干预经济之法还是政府干预经济之法,以及经济法的主体是国家还是政府的问题上。政府干预是国家干预的一种实现手段;政府是经济法的主体。这些问题的有效解决可以给国家和政府在经济法中一个合理的定位,而这对于经济法理论体系的构建和经济立法的完备都将具有重要意义。     

政府金融干预与经济发展:泰国、马来西亚案例研究

本文主要探讨泰国与马来西亚政府金融干预体制的特点及其在社会经济发展中的作用。泰国、马来西亚政府金融干预在保护本国金融部门发展、推动社会均衡发展方面成效显著;但在支持本国支柱产业的建设、促进工业化进程方面效果欠佳。这主要与两国金融体制的局限性和政府的社会发展政策有关。金融危机后,两国推行的改革措施,正推动两国政府金融干预机制向更科学、合理的方向发展。     

钱钟书《围城》的文化想象与叙事智慧

钱钟书的《围城》创作充分体现了卓越的文化想象力和文学叙事智慧。作者从西方”流浪汉”体小说那里借鉴了叙事结构方式 ,形成了所谓”单线孤行”的行文布局的特点 ,但这种叙事方式也可以隐藏着许多”埋伏”和”巧遇”的小说细节 ,并非”既无曲折 ,又无叫应”的简单做法。《围城》的叙事文本有引经据典的作风 ,构成了本文与插入本文的关系。本文叙述的是现实生活 ,插入本文嵌入的是理性经验 ,二者之间的关系构成复杂的”互文性”。     

论殖民地台湾新文学的文化想象——在日文写作中

本文探讨日文写作在殖民地台湾新文学发展中文化想象的变异.在中文写作的对照下,日文写作经历了文学主角由悲苦的民众转变为内心焦虑的知识分子、传统从被批判的对象过渡到民族的身份标记而被肯定、民族矛盾和阶级矛盾被迫隐退、"日本想象"转向复杂的传统与现代关系的表述等变化;民族自我想象有时会通过"日本想象"得以实现,知识分子的精神痛苦也随着殖民社会的演进呈现不同的状态.     

The Myth of the Failed State and the War on Terror: A Challenge to the Conventional Wisdom

Abstract

A central hypothesis in the articulated rationale inspiring the war on terror suggests that failed states play a key role in the international terrorist nexus and require external intervention and guided democratization. This logic is based on two related premises; first that there is a direct link between failed states and international terrorism, second that democratic governance reduces the recourse to terrorism. This article suggests that there is no causal link between failed states and international terrorism and that the asserted ability of democratic governance to catalyze a reduction in terrorism is exaggerated if not wholly inaccurate.     

论心理活动过程对手枪射击的影响

文章分析了手枪射击跑靶的原因,认为是由于其射击时心理活动过程非专业化,注意力发生转移,导致控制神经系统的能力大为降低,从而使射击技术出现了习惯性的错误动作.通过实验研究和经验累积,文章以“目标过高型”射手为对象,详细阐述了运用心理干预模式进行教学训练,从而快速提高射手射击技能.     

涉警群体性事件的早期干预策略

发生涉警群体性事件的主要原因在于警民矛盾的存在及累积。公安机关应该对涉警群体性事件进行早期干预：一是加强情报信息研判,确保事件隐患早发现;二是畅通利益诉求渠道,促进警民矛盾早化解;三是健全警务监督机制,做到失范行为早纠正;四是改善群众工作方法,促进警民关系早和谐;五是制定应急处置预案,做到应对策略早谋划。     

论警察心理危机及其干预机制

警察所从事职业的特殊性,导致他们可能出现各种各样的心理危机.从心理学的视角入手,分析警察心理危机的含义和类型,建立心理危机干预机制,开展警察心理危机干预,具有必要性和紧迫性.     

Exploring a Model of HIV Prevention Using a Cognitive-Behavioral Skills-Building Framework with Black Immigrants

Abstract

This paper addresses the burgeoning Human Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV) crisis in the black community in the United States, particularly black women. A cognitive-behavioral skills-building HIV prevention intervention tailored to the realities of blacks in South Africa is presented as a model that may be modified and adapted for HIV prevention among blacks in the United States. This model of HIV prevention must view blacks as a heterogeneous group that includes African immigrants, and cognitive-behavioral skills-building HIV prevention interventions tailored to the realities of black women are needed for the prevention of heterosexually transmitted HIV infection. The implementation of HIV interventions within accessible sexually transmitted diseases (STD) testing and treatment programs will provide the combined clinical-behavioral approach that is missing in HIV prevention interventions among blacks in the United States.     

Civil Society Perspectives on Humanitarian Intervention

This article explores the multiple roles played by civil society actors in relation to policy debates relating to whether to advocate or oppose humanitarian intervention under a variety of specific circumstances or in general. There is no consistent civil society viewpoint, but rather a range of disagreements relating to whether there exists a genuine imminent threat of humanitarian catastrophe, whether the political will exists to intervene in a manner that protects a threatened population, and whether a reliance on force for humanitarian ends should ever be supported in the absence of a mandate from the United Nations Security Council (UNSC). Most civil society voices prefer to assess each case on its own rather than to be for or against humanitarian intervention as a general proposition. A consensus would look favourably upon humanitarian intervention endorsed by the UNSC. The problems arise where such an endorsement is not obtainable. The NATO War of 1999 to safeguard the endangered Albanian population of Kosovo illustrates the positive case for humanitarian intervention as there appeared to be an imminent threat and there existed a sufficient political will to make it seem likely that an intervention could attain its goals. The absence of support from the UNSC in this instance was offset by the participation by the UN after the fact in the work of economic and political reconstruction, although the precedent set by this use of non-defensive force has kept the Kosovo undertaking controversial. In contrast to Kosovo, civil society actors throughout the world generally rejected the claimed humanitarian justifications for the Iraq War. At this time civil society is split on the question as to whether ever to encourage humanitarian intervention undertaken absent a green light in advance from the UN.