日美防卫合作指针评析

新指针是日美实质性修改 6 0年安保体制的标志。新指针由于将我国台湾地区纳入其“周边地区”范围 ,违反了国际法和《中日联合声明》及《中日和平友好条约》,干涉我国内政 ,因而是非法的 ,也应是无效的。新指针的出台为日美利用台湾问题干涉我国内政提供了“法律依据”;助长了“台独”分子的嚣张气焰 ;加大我解决台湾问题的难度。但中日美三国并不会因为台湾问题而爆发全面战争 ,为此我们应在坚持原则性的基础上要有适当的灵活性。     

谈凯恩斯与凯恩斯主义

约翰.梅纳德.凯恩斯是西方近代宏观经济学的开创者,是公认的20世纪最具创造性和最有影响力的著名经济学家、在经济学领域引发革命的学术泰斗、凯恩斯主义的创始人。凯恩斯经济理论的基础是有效需求理论,国家干预理论是其经济理论最核心的内容。凯恩斯以其天才的智慧提出的经济理论和政策主张,无论是对当代世界资本主义国家还是对我国都产生了重大的影响。     

大众地缘政治想象中的身份政治与“他者”形象--以美俄(苏)之间的大众文化形象建构为个案

大众文化所创造的地缘政治神话直接塑造了特定社群对其他国家形象的想象,深刻影响国家认同、外交政策和国际关系。在后现代的军事—工业—媒体—娱乐网络中,大众文化产品一方面向民众传播政治精英的地缘政治想象,另一方面向决策层反馈流行话语中的大众地缘政治想象。大众文化产品塑造"他者"的方式具有多元性,其"他者"形象的生成机制可以理论化为"非人化"、"奇观化"和"性别化"三种模式。与之相应,西方娱乐工业往往依赖一些固定"模板",批量生产"类型化"的"他者",以维持"自我"身份叙事的稳定性。其传播过程则具有"隐蔽性",往往不会立时得到"地缘政治对手"的回应,遂成为西方文化软实力的重要推手。今天的大众地缘政治在很大程度上仍以西方为中心,西方流行文化的全球传播在取得商业成功的同时,隐蔽地对外传播深藏于其中的地缘政治想象。因而,在国际话语权竞争中,中国必须充分认识大众文化的地缘政治功能,重视大众文化建设,讲好中国故事。     

媒体介入对刑事诉讼的影响及坚持的原则

随着大众传播媒体的迅速发展,因其所具有的传播速度快、受众面广、公开及时等特点,已经越来越深入社会生活的方方面面。在刑事司法领域,媒体介入,特别是刑事侦查和审判阶段的介入,已然成为社会所热议的焦点和专家学者所研究的热点。媒体介入是一把双刃剑,在刑事诉讼活动中既能表现出监督司法机关诉讼活动、培养民众法律意识和法制观念等有利的一面,又能体现出阻碍侦查活动、妨碍诉讼活动的正常进行,甚至出现"媒体审判"等不利的一方面。必须通过重点分析媒体介入对刑事诉讼的影响,才能提出媒体介入刑事诉讼所应坚持的原则,以便协调舆论媒体与司法机关之间的关系。     

Coalitions and American Military Intervention *

As the only superpower in the international system, the United States uses its force and takes military intervention abroad more often than any other state. Researchers usually argue that the United States has strong unilateral incentives to make decisions and implement military intervention—the US is prone to use or threaten to use the force frequently and obstinately, ignoring the United Nations and international law. An investigation of major US military interventions in the post-Cold War era shows that the United States has often relied on temporary coalitions rather than persistent alliances in military and stability operations, although its decisions to use force are less constrained by the international community. The United States has motivations to recruit multinational military coalitions, such as avoiding the dilemma of collective action, reducing the burden of intervention and acclaiming the legitimacy of their interventions. Military coalitions have clearly-defined missions and flexible means, which provide convenience for the United States to take a leading role in military interventions.     

No humanitarian intervention in Asian genocides: how possible and legitimate?

Abstract

This article addresses an important empirical puzzle: why has the United States, without exception, chosen not to intervene in the six humanitarian catastrophes in post-war Asia, namely in Indonesia, East Pakistan/Bangladesh, Cambodia, East Timor, Sri Lanka and Myanmar? We use an eclectic approach that blends arguments about the international normative structure and geostrategic interests to examine what has made the absence of humanitarian intervention in Asia by the US possible and legitimate. Specifically, we focus on the paradox between calls for humanitarian intervention and the historically and geographically contingent social construction of the norms of humanity, national sovereignty and United Nations-backed multilateralism in conjunction with US and Chinese concerns over their regional geostrategic interests. The normative narratives about race, ‘communists’, ‘terrorists’, international order and inclusive multilateral processes, and the geostrategic interests of the US and China, combine to make non-intervention possible and legitimate.     

R2P: “State of Play”

Abstract

Is R2P the most effective tool the international community has to prevent genocide, or the newest neo-imperial norm perpetuated by the most powerful states? In a dramatic performance of the key debates within R2P, each of these views is presented before Aristotlean and Tocquevillean insights are drawn upon to find a middle ground rooted in citizen resistance against mass atrocity crimes. R2P can both become a more effective tool of prevention and gain needed political legitimacy by drawing on the rich historical tradition of citizen resistance to empower local actors defying regimes engaged in mass atrocity crimes.     

Transcending binaries in critical peacebuilding scholarship to address ‘inclusivity’ projects

Abstract

In light of the recent turn to ‘inclusivity’ in peacebuilding practice, this article problematises established ways of ‘doing critique’ in peacebuilding scholarship. Inclusivity refers to the building of peace as a situated and co-constituted process. This entails what can be termed a new epistemic commitment: the acknowledgement that peacebuilding as a dynamic and emergent phenomenon is also an epistemically co-constituted process. In the article, I make two arguments. First, the move towards inclusivity places currently dominant modes of scholarly critique at an impasse. Persistent ontological and epistemological binaries preclude a productive investigation and challenging of inclusivity projects and their epistemic commitment. Second, I argue that, by returning to historical conditions that were formative in the very emergence of the category of ‘the local’, the conceptual basis of an alternative mode of critique (re)appears. This alternative critical project allows for an analytical sensibility to peacebuilding as emergent and adaptive. It makes it possible to disentangle power relations as these emerge between different and possibly unexpected configurations of actors and knowledge claims in inclusivity projects.     

Understanding complicity: memory,hope and the imagination

ABSTRACT

This paper addresses the thorny issue of complicity with wrongdoing under conditions of systemic political violence, such as authoritarianism, totalitarianism or military occupation. The challenge of dealing with collaborators – those who colluded with the apparatus of repression or who benefitted from its existence – is central to subsequent processes of justice and memory-making. This paper proposes several arguments. Firstly, it claims we need to think about complicity and resistance not dichotomically, but as a continuum of locations individuals can occupy. Secondly, these locations are influenced by the agents’ positionality within the social world, each agent being situated at the intersection of several axes of distinction: class, gender, racialisation, and religion, among others. Thirdly, to understand complicity we also need to draw a connection between individual’s experience of time and their actions: temporality is experienced from within a social position, through the interplay between memory, imagination and hope. Positionality thus affects one’s memories and self-understanding, the scope of one’s imagination, as well as the type and intensity of one’s hopes. Therefore, individuals’ capacity to build on the past to imagine a future, to invest emotionally in the future and act accordingly are interrelated aspects of their experience, which will influence how they navigate the muddy waters of systemic wrongdoing, more or less complicitly. To give concreteness to these three theoretical arguments, the paper discusses several forms of complicity with violence during the Vichy Regime in France.