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501.
The point of origin of an impact pattern is important in establishing the chain of events in a bloodletting incident. In this study, the accuracy and reproducibility of the point of origin estimation using the FARO Scene software with the FARO Focus3D laser scanner was determined. Five impact patterns were created for each of three combinations of distances from the floor (z) and the front wall (x). Fifteen spatters were created using a custom impact rig, scanned using the laser scanner, photographed using a DSLR camera, and processed using the Scene software. Overall results gave a SD = 3.49 cm (p < 0.0001) in the x‐direction, SD = 1.14 cm (p = 0.9291) in the y‐direction, and SD = 9.08 cm (p < 0.0115) in the z‐direction. The technique performs within literature ranges of accepted accuracy and reproducibility and is comparable to results reported for other virtual stringing software.  相似文献   
502.
The field of forensic injury biomechanics is an emerging field. Biomechanically validated tools may assist interdisciplinary teams of investigators in assessing mechanisms of blunt head trauma resulting in skull fractures. The objective of this study is to assess the biofidelity of spherical, frangible skull–brain (SB) surrogates. Blunt impacts were conducted at 20 m/s, using an instrumented 103 g rigid impactor, to the temporo‐parietal region of four defleshed cephalic postmortem human subjects (PMHS). Force–deformation response, fracture tolerance, and fracture patterns were recorded for comparison to spherical skull–brain surrogates. Three brain substitutes were assessed: 10% gelatin, lead shot with Styrofoam and water. Force–deformation response of the skull–brain surrogates was similar to defleshed PMHS up to the point of fracture; however, none of the surrogates fractured at tolerance levels comparable to the PMHS. Fracture patterns of the skull–brain surrogates were linear and radiating, while PMHS fractures were all depressed, comminuted.  相似文献   
503.
Parliament's International Development Committee made a powerful case this year that DFID should put more money into parliamentary strengthening in developing countries. Arguing that parliaments were central to tackling corruption, improving economic development and building stable political settlements, they recommended that parliaments should be at the ‘heart of DFID's governance work’. The report, though, also touched on wider issues of how DFID commissions and monitors its political programmes, suggesting fundamental changes to both. DFID recognises these challenges, and offered either full or partial agreement with most of the recommendations. The challenge that remains, though, is moving from the rhetoric of ‘engaging with politics’ to a much improved form of political and parliamentary programming.  相似文献   
504.
During his May 2014 visit to Australia Pascal Lamy, former Director General of the World Trade Organization, urged ‘public institutions, civil society, and global businesses’ to forge ‘creative coalitions’ for the purpose of engaging constructively and positively with the complex problems standing in the way of achieving social and economic sustainability. Lamy's visit was but the first of several occasions during 2014 in which intense public discussion erupted about the need for government, business, and civil society to pool their capacities in boundary‐spanning efforts to address complex policy problems. This article investigates whether the public discussion portends a heightened policy focus on the ‘five Cs’: co‐production, co‐design, corporate social responsibility, collective impact, and Lamy's creative coalitions.  相似文献   
505.
Ex ante policy appraisals, such as Regulatory Impact Assessments (RIAs), are promoted because they are expected to inform decisionmakers and, thus, to lead to better quality regulation. Such instrumental use is not the only possible use of RIAs. Ex ante policy appraisal can affect the policy process in various ways. However, a consolidated theory on the conditions for utilization of RIAs in the policy process has yet to be developed. In order to explore these conditions, we analyze three case studies of Swiss decisionmaking processes and apply concepts from knowledge utilization literature. In conclusion, we find that policy arenas matter more than the institutional context and design of RIA procedures. In line with previous literature, political use seems to be a prevalent type of utilization. Yet we find that, under specific conditions, RIAs also provide a basis for the optimization of policy designs (instrumental use), help improve interagency relations (policy‐process use), and may change how a policy issue is understood (conceptual use).  相似文献   
506.
The welfare reforms of the Coalition government are marked by the legacy of Thatcherism. Social security reforms in the 1980s reshaped the system towards reliance on means‐tested benefits. Negative policy feedback created by the opacity and perverse effects of means‐testing has made these benefits an easy target for the Coalition, at least so far as working age people are concerned. Different policy feedbacks affect policy towards old age pensions. The government is locked into promoting private pensions, and is extending this commitment with automatic enrolment. To make private pensions pay, it has to reverse the slide to means‐testing. The implication is that the pronounced bias against the working poor and in favour of older people in Coalition policy is not simply a matter of electoral preferences: rather, it reflects the political effects of previous policy decisions.  相似文献   
507.
In a recent debate in political science, the terms "bargaining and arguing" have been construed as semantic opposites. The present article rejects this dichotomy and offers a new theoretical approach to clarify the logical and pragmatic relationship of bargaining and arguing as modes of the resolution of conflicts through communication. On the basis of speech act theory, a method for the empirical analysis of bargaining and arguing is developed and demonstrated with an example of conflict resolution by mediation. Four conclusions can be drawn. First, in empirical processes of communicative conflict resolution, in almost all cases both arguing and bargaining will be present. Second, only in the rare cases of pure conflicts over solely facts or values will arguing appear. Third, within the context of an interest conflict, arguing is not an alternative to bargaining, but a means for bargaining. Fourth, although bargaining and arguing have the potential to resolve certain types of conflicts, their success is difficult to predict and cannot be taken for granted.  相似文献   
508.
目前,我国食品安全事故频发,给民众的健康和政府的形象都带来了严重的影响。尽管政府相当重视并加大了监管力度,但收效有限。本文针对我国食品安全监管存在的主要问题以及成因进行分析,从政府监管手段方面提出了相应的解决办法。  相似文献   
509.
Abstract

The purpose of this study was to empirically evaluate written expert testimonies in cases of suspected child sexual abuse in Sweden. A total of 121 expert testimonies were rated with an instrument developed for the study, the SQX-12 (Gumpert et al., 2001) which is a 12-item checklist aimed to reflect consensus-established concepts of quality. Reports from different professional groups were compared, as were reports produced before and after the 1991 publication of national guidelines. The results suggested that the reports produced by professionals using statement analysis generally were of higher quality than reports written by professionals from child- and adolescent psychiatry. There was a slight increase in report quality, as measured by the SQX total score, over the studied years. However, it is concluded that the overall quality of written expert testimony on child credibility still does not reach the recommended level in Sweden.  相似文献   
510.
In 2007 British Prime Minister Gordon Brown agreed that House of Commons committees should start holding pre-appointment hearings for key public appointments. This was initially welcomed by MPs, who viewed it as an important step towards limiting executive power and strengthening the role of parliament. However, following the appointment of the Children's Commissioner against the advice of the relevant select committee, many MPs became disillusioned with the hearings. Based on extensive interviews with those involved in the appointments process, this article argues that while committees may lack formal veto power over appointments, they do have considerable influence. Most candidates said they would not have taken up their appointment against the advice of the select committee. So pre-appointment hearings should not be dismissed as pointless, but rather seen as an important mechanism through which committees can exert influence over public appointments. This tells us two important things about the powers of legislatures. First, it confirms that legislative influence is far more subtle than the simple exercise of veto powers, as scholars have long noted. But second, it also demonstrates that even the most central actors in the process (the MPs) may not appreciate this fact.  相似文献   
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