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571.
收入差距的扩大已经成为全社会关注的焦点。收入差距的扩大既有其合理的一面,也有不合理的一面。只有对邓小平的共同富裕的思想系统、全面、深刻、准确地把握和理解,才能对该问题有科学的判断和认识。 相似文献
572.
城镇化决定着城乡劳动力市场的供给,对社会经济有重要影响。研究提出了无农村经济联系城
镇化率、基于居住地的城镇化率和基于职业的城镇化率的概念,并构建了城镇化经济动力学模型,以预测城镇
化的长期趋势。研究发现:如果存在城乡收入差距,则城镇化将持续;如果城乡收入差距较大,则城镇化进程
加快;如果城乡收入实现了均等化,则城镇化终止,这时所实现的城镇化就是长期的城镇化。研究使用中国、
美国、日本和韩国的数据验证了这一分析。研究认为,要提高我国城镇化的速度和质量,就要对相关制度进行
改革,使农业以自耕农的规模经营为主,让离开农村的城镇居民脱离与农村的经济联系。 相似文献
573.
Henry Jackson Jr. 《Criminal Justice Studies》2014,27(2):226-243
Guided by the Rusche and Kirchheimer thesis, this study examines variation in incarceration rates across states. Time-series regression analysis is applied to 30?years of state-level data to examine how economic factors interact with aggregate measures of race/ethnicity in predicting rates of incarceration. The analysis indicates that income inequality, not unemployment, is the most salient predictor of incarceration rates. That is, state-level measures of income inequality exert a strong, positive effect on state-level incarceration rates, and this effect is particularly salient in the presence of higher percentages of African-Americans. 相似文献
574.
Richard A. Crocombe PhD Greg Giuntini BS David W. Schiering PhD Luisa T. M. Profeta PhD Michael D. Hargreaves PhD Pauline E. Leary PhD Christopher D. Brown PhD Jessamyn Ward Chmura MS 《Journal of forensic sciences》2023,68(5):1570-1600
The need to detect fentanyl and its analogs in the field is an important capability to help prevent unintentional exposure or overdose on these substances, which may result in death. Many portable methods historically used in the field by first responders and other field users to detect and identify other chemical substances, such as hazardous materials, have been applied to the detection and identification of these synthetic opioids. This paper describes field portable spectroscopic methods used for the detection and identification of fentanyl and its analogs. The methods described are automated colorimetric tests including lateral flow assays; vibrational spectroscopy (mid-infrared and Raman); gas chromatography–mass spectrometry; ion mobility spectrometry, and high-pressure mass spectrometry. In each case the background and key details of these technologies are outlined, followed by a discussion of the application of the technology in the field. Attention is paid to the analysis of complex mixtures and limits of detection, including the required spectral databases and algorithms used to interrogate these types of samples. There is also an emphasis on providing actionable information to the (likely) non-scientist operators of these instruments in the field. 相似文献
575.
标准劳动供给理论认为非劳动收入的增加会减少劳动供给,但是国内外大量的实证研究对此存在
较多争议。为了应对上述争议,本研究对标准理论进行适当延展,通过考察非劳动收入对边际劳动供给的作用后
发现,非劳动收入虽然具有减少劳动时间的直接作用,但是能通过强化工资率对劳动供给的替代效应而间接增加
劳动时间供给,两者的净效应决定了非劳动收入对劳动供给的真实作用。非劳动收入对劳动供给存在正向作用的
原因在于:非劳动收入会挤占一部分享受性闲暇时间而提高闲暇的价格,从而强化人们减少闲暇时间、增加劳动
供给的“替代效应”。利用“中国综合社会调查”全国微观数据库提供的数据,本研究证实了上述观点。非劳动
收入对劳动供给的正向作用为中国应对当前的劳动供给短缺提供了政策新抓手:政府可以在不触及工资制度和假
日制度等刚性制度的前提下,通过调控非劳动收入的不同种类和形式来激活劳动供给。 相似文献
576.
Toby Young 《The Political quarterly》2020,91(2):388-396
This article examines whether meritocracy is an effective device for legitimising socioeconomic inequality. It looks at two ways in which it could be said to do that—by allocating wealth and prestige according to merit, and by creating opportunities for those born in low income families—and concludes that the first only creates the appearance of fairness (an argument made persuasively by John Rawls) and the second is a largely unfulfilled promise. The author asks whether the low levels of social mobility in Britain and America are because they have not yet become fully-fledged meritocracies, or because they have, and considers Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray’s argument in The Bell Curve that meritocratic societies have a tendency to degenerate into genetically-based caste systems. It examines the research by Dalton Conley, Jason Fletcher and Benjamin Domingue on this point, which shows that genetic assortative mating declined over the course of the twentieth century, and tentatively concludes that Herrnstein and Murray were wrong—that flatlining social mobility is a bug, not a feature, of meritocratic societies. 相似文献
577.
As the connection between an individual’s socioeconomic status and electoral participation originates from the socialization process in childhood and adolescence, inequalities in voting are often argued to be relatively stable throughout the life cycle. However, social mobility during adulthood may mitigate the effects of family background. Using individual-level register-based data, this study examines the extent to which changes in adults’ social class and income between 2000 and 2011 influenced voting propensity in the 2012 Finnish municipal elections. The results show that turnout among socially mobile voters settles between the stable members of their socioeconomic group of origin and destination. Our findings imply that intra-generational social and economic mobility can constrain the socioeconomic gradient in turnout. 相似文献
578.
Daniel Iweze 《Canadian journal of African studies》2020,54(2):319-327
ABSTRACT Prior to the Boko Haram insurgency, there was free flow or movement of people and goods, underscoring inter-state and trans-border mobility in the Northeast region of Nigeria and the neighbouring countries of Niger Republic, Chad and Cameroon. Insurgents’ attacks disrupted such flows, transforming inter-state and trans-border routes into highways of terror and destruction. Insurgents targeted attacks at motorists, commuters, security personnel and ordinary people. This made road travel a risky undertaking, with adverse socio-economic impacts on the region and bordering countries. This paper explores the daily risks insurgents’ attacks posed to road travel, multiple livelihoods and transport infrastructure. Boko Haram insurgency had disruptive effects, and therefore road transport infrastructure and trans-border mobility constituted one of the major targets of terrorist attacks leading to growing insecurity in Nigeria’s Northeast region. 相似文献
579.
戚学祥 《天津行政学院学报》2020,(1):70-78
农民工回流是社会流动的主要表现。作为历时性、空间性的社会现象,农民工回流是政府、企业、家庭、个人等多元主体共同影响的结果,与政策制度、公共服务、经济水平、技术发展、家庭功能等多种因素密切相关,由政治逻辑、市场逻辑、技术逻辑与生活逻辑综合作用而成。但是,政治逻辑和市场逻辑主导下的农民工回流更多地体现出阶段性与被动性,技术逻辑和生活逻辑的作用较为持续与稳定。要从完善农民工市民化政策体系、增强企业社会责任、提高农民工人力资本、加快乡村基础设施建设等方面保障农民工的基本权益,实现农民工“留得下、稳得住、活得好、回得去”的政策预期。 相似文献
580.
Eoin Flaherty 《Journal of Comparative Policy Analysis》2019,21(1):90-115
AbstractWith financialization now acknowledged as one of the most potent threats to income equality, can finance-driven inequality be explained by a singular causal argument? Taking the case of top incomes across the OECD, this paper addresses the standard causal narrative of finance-driven inequality, where rising top income inequality is explained as a function of deregulation, financial sector growth, and a parallel weakening of the role of trade unions and the government. Applying fuzzy-set Qualitative Comparative Analysis (fsQCA) to a time-series dataset (1975–2005), it assesses the ways in which configurations of institutions combined in different ways prior to the recent financial crisis, to create policy contexts conducive to top income growth. It does this by adopting a time-series approach to QCA, involving calibration and analysis of data at three successive historical waves. Results suggest that top incomes in the era of finance-driven capitalism were subject to a diversity of causal paths which generated similar outcomes in different contexts, in a manner which departs substantially from the standard narrative. In doing so, it elaborates on the application of time-series approaches to case-based analysis, and uses its results to discuss the ways in which institutions may combine in different ways to generate similar, or divergent outcomes. 相似文献