Effects on Knowledge of Nudging Citizens with Information

Nudging is a policy instrument that can affect citizen behavior, often by providing information. We argue that nudging can also affect citizens’ knowledge, which can become the basis for future choices. In this manner, providing information can make the nudging initiative stick. We test the effect of an information treatment on three types of knowledge in a field experiment. The treatment consists of information on reading strategies designed to nudge parents to read with their children, randomly assigned to 1438 families. We show how nudging by providing information does in fact increase parents’ knowledge, irrespective of socio-economic background.     

基因信息在保险核保中的应用及其限度

基因信息可应用于保险核保的理论基础在于保险的风险分类理论与保险法的对价平衡原则。政策、伦理、道德、技术等方面的反对意见并不足以否定基因信息应用于保险核保的正当性,因为商业保险不应承担社会保障职能;基因信息相比一般医疗信息不具有特殊性;保险承保的本来就是具有不确定性的风险,基因检测的准确性也在逐步提高。是故,应当允许基因信息应用于保险核保,但为防止基因信息的滥用,还须通过规范的方式明确基因信息的应用限度:明晰保险人获取基因信息的方式;设定保险人使用基因信息的条件;规定保险人对于依据基因信息作出不利被保险人决定之理由的披露义务;强化基因咨询师的咨询与建议职责;完善对被保险人的救济机制及其具体运作规范。     

中国印尼货物贸易互补性分析

中国是印度尼西亚最主要的贸易伙伴之一,既是印尼最大的出口目的地,也是印尼第一大进口来源国。而对于中国来说,印尼不是主要的贸易伙伴,只是一个快速增长的新兴市场。从中印尼两国贸易商品结构分析的结论看,印尼可以在农业原材料、食品、燃料、矿物和金属方面加大对中国的出口,而中国可以在制成品方面加大对印尼的出口。两国贸易的互补性指数表明两国在技术条件、要素禀赋、所处的经济发展阶段等方面存在较大差异,基本属于垂直型产业间贸易,具有较为广阔的贸易发展空间。当前中国与印尼的贸易正面临着一些障碍与困境:印尼频繁对中国发起贸易救济立案,中国与印尼之间的传统能源贸易也面临不可持续的困境。鉴于以上各种原因,中国企业可以通过投资印尼,来提升两国的经济合作水平。     

“一国两制”澳门实践:成就、经验与展望

回归20年来,“一国两制”在澳门特别行政区取得举世公认的成功,政权组织逐步健全并高效运转,具有自身特色的法治体系日益完善,民主政治有序推进,经济稳步转型发展。澳门的成功经验在于立足“一国两制”的核心内容,正确处理“一国”与“两制”的关系、宪法与基本法的关系、“澳人治澳”与善用内地因素三对基本关系。随着“一国两制”实践进入新阶段,澳门特别行政区应坚持以辩证思维看待和处理“一国两制”涉及的三对基本关系,确保“一国两制”实践行稳致远。     

高校青年教师的情绪劳动会导致过劳吗？ ——中介及调节变量的检验

高校青年教师的情绪劳动是否会造成过劳,对个人健康、组织运行和社会发展均具有重要影响。研究探讨情绪劳动对过度劳动的作用机理和影响路径,验证情绪劳动是否通过职业紧张的中介作用对过度劳动产生影响,并检验组织支持感在两者之间的调节作用。研究结果表明:情绪劳动对职业紧张和过度劳动都有着显著的正向影响,职业紧张在情绪劳动与过度劳动之间起部分中介作用,组织支持感在情绪劳动因素之一的表层扮演与过度劳动之间起负向调节作用。     

The effects of national cultures on two technologically advanced countries: The case of e-leadership in South Korea and the United States

The increased use of information and communication technologies (ICTs) has triggered enormous innovation in the public sector and created positive public value at the managerial, delivery of services, and policy levels. However, these positive outcomes do not automatically accrue simply by adoption of ICTs as public leaders can fail to adopt relevant new ICTs, use them poorly, or use them in ways that actually diminish public value, which raises the question of the importance of e-leadership. This article examines e-leadership and innovation capacity at the individual public manager level and fills in some gaps about the practice and implementation of ICTs in the public sector. We explore eight research questions useful in theorizing about e-leadership, develop constructs of e-leadership, and describe the current development of e-leadership. By comparing e-leadership in two country settings (South Korea and the United States), we also overcome the limitations of the existing Western-oriented studies about innovations in the public sector. In addition to the growth of e-leadership use and requirements for a variety of competencies equivalent to, but separate from, traditional communication competences, we find that national cultures exert significant influence on the major constructs of e-leadership, which implies that an effective e-leadership strategy should consider cultural contexts seriously.     

海洋命运共同体思想的内涵和实践路径

海洋命运共同体思想是人类命运共同体思想在海洋领域的细化,反映了国际海洋法的发展趋势和价值目标。它创造性的继承并发展了和而不同思想以及共同体思想,为全球海洋治理提供了新的价值指引。海洋命运共同体是共同体成员基于海洋共识和共同的海洋利益产生认同感和归属感,通过在海洋领域的共同合作形成的联合体,包括海洋政治、安全、经济、文化和生态命运共同体。中国在区域可以通过实施多边海洋行动,构建区域海洋命运共同体,实现区域合作关系的升级。海洋命运共同体是超越民族和国家的海洋观,中国在全球可以通过构建海上丝路命运共同体、提升国际制度性话语权和形成国际海洋法律新制度来践行海洋命运共同体思想。     

预告登记权利人“排除异议”的判定——以《异议复议规定》第30条为中心

《异议复议规定》第30条作为预告登记权利人提出案外人异议的审查依据,因其中"排除异议"及"符合物权登记条件"在解释上易生歧义,致实务适用意见不一。依执行理论,除所有权外,何种权利始可排除强制执行,应依实体法之性质、效力及执行目的或方法确定。经预告登记之权利并非实体权利,其性质应为兼具物权性、债权性及从属性的请求权。目前,我国预告登记在强制执行中的效力,立法未臻明确,但结合我国预告登记实体法之"再处分禁止效力"及"不动产登记簿冻结效力",藉由目的解释,应将《物权法》第20条第1款之"处分"进行扩张,使其效力覆盖强制拍卖、变卖等"处分"性执行措施。而案外人据以《异议复议规定》第30条提出异议的,法院不应适用于商品房预售合同备案登记、网签及受让物权预告登记以外的其他预告登记之情形,其"符合物权登记条件"之确认,应参照预告登记转本登记之理论,采实务通说之标准,具化为满足合法有效的商品房买卖合同,已办理预告登记及支付全部价款或依约定支付价款之要件。     

Procedural justice,obligation to obey,and cooperation with police in a sample of Jamaican citizens

ABSTRACT

Procedural justice theory plays a central role in understanding police–citizen relationships. To test the universality of procedural justice theory, researchers have tended to assess the relative impacts of normative and instrumental models of policing in different geopolitical contexts. Building on Reisig and Lloyd’s study in Jamaica, we test in the current study the relative impacts of procedural justice (a normative factor) and police effectiveness and risk of sanctioning (instrumental factors) on Jamaicans’ obligation to obey the police and willingness to cooperate with police. We found that procedural justice predicted both obligation to obey and cooperation, although obligation did not predict cooperation. And while effectiveness predicted obligation, it was not significantly related to cooperation. Lastly, older citizens were more willing to cooperate with police. The study’s implications for policy and future research are discussed.     

The 2019 General Election in Northern Ireland: the Rise of the Centre Ground?

The experience of the 2019 general election in Northern Ireland took a very different course to that of the rest of the UK and, indeed, to the pattern of electoral politics typical of the region. Coming after almost three years with no functioning devolved government, combined with intense disagreement and uncertainty about Brexit, voters were ready to give a message to the two largest parties. Both Sinn Féin and the DUP suffered losses in the election, with the headline outcome being that unionism no longer holds the majority of seats for Northern Ireland in Westminster. More generally, there was a swing from both sides towards centre ground voting, which brought significant gains for the Alliance Party and the SDLP. This article summarises the reasons for this broad trend, focussing on the conditions and electoral pacts which brought it about. It also considers what it might mean for the prospects for Irish unification, noting that a referendum on unification will only be passed by attracting votes from those who tend to see themselves as neither unionist or nationalist.