论俄国资本主义时期的农业经济

俄国在1861年改革后半个世纪的资本主义农业经济发展过程中,地主经济落后于农民经济发展水平。地主经济的特点是资本主义与半封建关系交织在一起。地主经济在农业生产总规模中所占比重较低,且不断缩小;绝大多数土地集中于少数地主手中,地主向农民出租土地;过高的租金与地租成为农民的主要负担,严重阻碍了农民经济的发展。在整个资本主义时期,农民经济是俄国农业生产的主力军,是农业生产中的主要形式;在资本主义农业进化过程中,地主经济压迫了农民经济的发展,正如列宁所论:地主经济在经济上是起反作用的。     

全球化时代的社会主义理论与实践

全球化作为一个客观的历史进程 ,是当今世界经济和生产力发展到一定阶段的产物。文章针对全球化对资本主义及社会主义的影响和结果进行了深入地探讨。社会主义只有不断改革自身、适应时代的要求 ,才能求得生存、发展。     

马克思的全球化思想与"跨越论"的逻辑关系

全球化思想贯穿于马克思研究资本主义的整个思想进程,马克思对资本主义发展过程的分析与对全球化进程的分析在逻辑上是一致的。与马克思对于资本主义的研究相对应的是他对于共产主义社会实现形式的预测,这一预测分为马克思早年的“共同胜利论”和晚年的“跨越论”两个阶段。马克思这两个阶段的理论并不是相互割裂的,“跨越论”是“共同胜利论”的逻辑结果,而其内在的逻辑动因则是全球化。     

当代世界的主要共产党对社会主义理论的探索

目前，资本主义世界的各国共产党不仅在冷战后坚持了下来，而且在当代社会主义理论探索上获得了较大的成就；对苏东剧变的性质和原因有了进一步的认识；对当代资本主义的新变化有了进一步的认识；对当代社会主义的许多问题有了新的认识；对党的性质，奋斗目标，指导思想，组织原则，革命道路和对外政策等问题都有许多新的认识。     

从金融危机看社会主义的生命力

“次贷危机”在美国爆发，并逐渐演变为金融危机在世界范围内蔓延，使得资本主义国家经济纷纷跌至谷底。而社会主义中国则有力抵御了其强烈冲击，保持了国民经济稳定有序的发展，在全球一片乱局中“风景这边独好”。这足以看出社会主义的生命力和社会主义制度的优越性。     

Politics of Violence

Abstract

Simon Critchley's Infinitely Demanding makes a timely contribution to contemporary debates in ethics and political philosophy. For all its originality, however, one can raise critical questions concerning Critchley's account of the forms of resistance possible within liberal democratic polities. In this article I question the adequacy of Critchley's ethically based neo-anarchism as a response to neo-liberalism, critically analysing the role of ideology in his account of the motivational deficit afflicting capitalist liberal democracies.     

当代资本主义的变化与工会的作用

20世纪末的当代资本主义已不同于传统的早期资本主义 ,还具有调节生产力同生产关系、经济基础同上层建筑矛盾的能力 ,生产关系暂时还有容纳生产力发展的空间 ,工会已成为当代资本主义制度下的重要的社会平衡力量。     

关于当前中国外交思维的感想

冷战结束以来,国际关系处于一超多强过渡性格局,资本主义牢牢控制世界经济政治等中心.为此,只有充分认识资本主义社会,才能更好地与之相处,在竞争共处中学习其一切有价值的东西.国际地位不断上升的中国,在国际事务中要注意形象塑造,创造条件融入国际社会.中国是世界不可分割的一部分,只有融入国际社会,才能取得进一步发展所需的外部条件.     

Regulatory capitalism and its discontents: Bilateral interdependence and the adaptability of regulatory styles

The expansion of global trade has produced new challenges for the effective governance of product safety. We argue that many of these challenges arise at the bilateral level from the interaction of more or less adaptable national regulatory styles. When regulatory styles are unadaptable they produce gaps in risk management, slow and contested resolutions to crises, and limited regulatory cooperation. To examine these claims empirically, we study bilateral food safety regulation in four major exporter–importer dyads: China–Japan; Canada–United States (US), China–European Union (EU), and the US–Japan. The China–Japan dyad is the most adaptable, combining China's “export segmentation” regulatory style with Japan's strongly “risk‐averse, interventionist” style. The Canada–US dyad operates effectively, bringing together Canada's “global market–conforming” regulatory style with the US strategy of “sovereign regulator.” The China–EU dyad is less adaptable because the EU's “harmonization” regulatory style makes it difficult for the EU to adapt to the weaknesses of the Chinese food safety system. Finally, the US's sovereign regulator style clashes with Japan's interventionist style, making them the least adaptable of the four dyads. The paper concludes with a discussion of the broader relevance of our findings for the development of regulatory capitalism.     

Towards a Realignment of the Mind: Compass Lecture,Commonwealth Club,London, 10 February 2011

Britain urgently needs a national conversation about the economic, political and moral predicament it now faces. It should start with the economic crisis of 2008–09. Keynesians and neoliberals alike still seek to return to pre‐crisis business as usual, albeit with modifications. But the untamed capitalism that came to grief in 2008 had three major flaws. First, it undermined the public domain of equity, citizenship and civic virtue, whose creation was one of the great achievements of the late‐nineteenth and early‐twentieth centuries, exposing it to invasion by the market domain. Second, it led to a remorseless rise in inequality of resources and life chances, rendering British society one of the most dysfunctional in Europe. Third, it encouraged the emergence of a debased form of democracy, best called ‘market populism’, that mocks the dream of political equality that lies at the heart of the democratic ideal. Yet growth points of a better society can be detected amidst the gloom. Informal institutions and social movements like London Citizens and the burgeoning environmental movement show that the notion of the public good is still alive. So do the survival of Edmund Burke's communitarianism in the conservative tradition, of John Stuart Mill's social liberalism in the liberal tradition and of ethical socialism in the social‐democratic tradition.