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771.
李宝元 《天津行政学院学报》2001,3(3):52-55
中国的宏观经济发展战略经历了现代化发展、产业结构调整、区域协调发展和制度转型改革等四个战略层面的探索和实践.面对新世纪,中国应采取以人力资本为依托的人本型经济发展战略. 相似文献
772.
773.
在整个20世纪的“现代国家政权建设”中,我国出现了四种新型的乡镇行政管理模式,即晚清至民国时期推行的所谓“乡镇自治”、中国共产党建立的“议行合一制”的乡镇基层政权、“政社合一制”的人民公社和“乡政村治”的二元体制模式。中国传统小农经济的有限剩余根本无法支撑一个全面渗透穷乡僻壤的庞大国家机器和现代工业体系,致使我国乡镇行政管理体制频繁变动且反复无常。下一步的乡镇政府体制改革基本方向和总体目标应该是:进一步加强和改进党对农村工作的领导方式,完善“村民自治”制度,培育和发展农村新型合作经济组织和社会中介组织,加快建设适应社会主义市场经济体制的法制型、民主型、服务型乡镇基层政府,不断提高社会管理与公共服务水平。 相似文献
774.
宁夏干部目前精神状态值得肯定的方面是具有务实的工作作风、吃苦耐劳的精神品质、耐得住清贫的心理素质。存在的问题表现为争先意识较差、自足自满情绪较盛、干事业的激情不足、开拓创新的意识不强、迎难而上的锐气不够。在贯彻科学发展观的实践过程中,应防止将开拓发展与科学发展观、敢于发展与善于发展对立起来,重点克服“稳”字当头的保守理念和庸碌无为的精神状态。 相似文献
775.
陈亮 《山东行政学院学报》2006,(2):123-125
形式美与内涵美的交融、静态美与动态美的契合、传统美与现代美的汇聚,是公共文化的主要审美特征。准确把握公共文化的审美特征,对于建立内涵丰富、形式优美的公共文化设施与场所,对于举办广大市民群众喜闻乐见的公共文化活动,对于营造和谐融洽的公共文化氛围,对于卓有成效地广泛开展城市公共文化建设,都具有十分重要的意义。 相似文献
776.
Stacey L. Hunt 《Citizenship Studies》2017,21(1):68-84
Wracked by crime and violence, Bogotá, Colombia adopted a unique urban security policy in 1998 called Mission Bogotá (MB). MB identifies the poor as ‘at risk’ of being violent. The program seeks to decrease crime by employing the poor and educating them on entrepreneurial urban citizenship, fomenting their sense of belonging to the city, a good work ethic, conflict resolution skills, and cosmopolitanism. Participants are then employed as citizen ‘guides,’ modeling their citizenship skills in public in order to instill exemplary citizenship in others by example. There is no evidence that MB reduces either crime or poverty. Nevertheless, the program establishes norms for ideal citizenship and structures the relationship between state and society. Based on one year of ethnographic research, I argue that MB uses pedagogy as a technology of governance to transfer responsibility for security provision from the state to society by making citizens responsible for their own security provision. 相似文献
777.
Nalanda Roy 《亚洲事务》2017,48(2):257-270
This article looks at the South China Sea dispute and its impact in international relations. It analyses why the Southeast Asian states are highly sovereignty sensitive, and how such sensitivity has made non-intervention the bedrock of managing their foreign policies. China has long viewed the near seas as regions of geostrategic interest, and thus the SCS is not an exception. On the one hand it brings hope and prosperity, and on the other uncertainty and threat. At the end, the article argues whether China’s assertive position regarding other countries’ sovereignty claims in the Arctic might undermine its own position in contested areas like the SCS, and suggests that China will at least have to learn how to share and bear (term coined by the author) as a member of the international community. 相似文献
778.
Robert P. Hager Jr. 《Democracy and Security》2016,12(2):114-122
The field of international relations has seen considerable debate about the reasons for conflict between revolutionary states and status quo powers. The two works reviewed here deal with the early years of the Soviet regime. The material presented indicates that tensions were largely the result of Bolshevik attempts to “export the revolution.” This indicates that it is the nature of a revolutionary state and its desire to challenge the international status quo that leads to tension with other powers. 相似文献
779.
George Klay Kieh Jr. 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2016,39(14):1148-1158
Using a political economy approach, this study examines the nature, dynamics, and causes of the expansion of the Liberian public sector. The findings show that the major causes for the expansion of the Liberian public sector did not fit those provided by the literature—citizens’ demands for new services, and other issues that emerge from state-building. Instead, the politico-economic interests of the Liberian ruling class (both the internal and external wings) are the major causes for the increase in the size of the government. These interests include serving the interests of corporate capitalism, and the private accumulation of wealth. 相似文献
780.
Mansoor Moaddel 《International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society》2002,15(4):527-568
The history of the Islamic movement in Jordan displays glaring contrasts with its counterparts in other Islamic countries such as Egypt, pre-Revolutionary Iran, and Syria. In a marked departure from a history of violence that characterized the relationship between the state and the Islamic opposition in these countries, the Jordanian Muslim Brothers was not only a peaceful movement but also often defended the state against the challenges of radical ideologies. Following the democratization process launched by the late King Hussein, the Muslim Brothers participated in electoral politics. To adapt itself to the new pluralistic environment, the movement displayed a move toward secularization. This process was reflected in an organizational differentiation and the rationalization of religious discourse. This paper attempts to explain this remarkable phenomenon by first considering the effects of the structure, ideology, and cultural policies of the state and of the development of social classes on the Islamic movement. It then considers the way in which the legal framework and political pluralism in the 1990s contributed to the secularization of the movement. 相似文献