全文获取类型
收费全文 | 1263篇 |
免费 | 52篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 42篇 |
工人农民 | 52篇 |
世界政治 | 60篇 |
外交国际关系 | 40篇 |
法律 | 329篇 |
中国共产党 | 51篇 |
中国政治 | 162篇 |
政治理论 | 172篇 |
综合类 | 407篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 2篇 |
2023年 | 9篇 |
2022年 | 9篇 |
2021年 | 20篇 |
2020年 | 66篇 |
2019年 | 25篇 |
2018年 | 33篇 |
2017年 | 27篇 |
2016年 | 22篇 |
2015年 | 28篇 |
2014年 | 69篇 |
2013年 | 130篇 |
2012年 | 83篇 |
2011年 | 77篇 |
2010年 | 74篇 |
2009年 | 57篇 |
2008年 | 82篇 |
2007年 | 73篇 |
2006年 | 83篇 |
2005年 | 90篇 |
2004年 | 74篇 |
2003年 | 76篇 |
2002年 | 55篇 |
2001年 | 32篇 |
2000年 | 12篇 |
1999年 | 2篇 |
1998年 | 2篇 |
1997年 | 1篇 |
1996年 | 1篇 |
1995年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有1315条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
211.
《Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding》2013,7(4):351-368
Abstract This article traces the institutional evolution of the Council Secretariat that plans and supports EU civilian peace operations. During the early days of the European Security and Defence Policy in the late 1990s competing political priorities of big EU member states and a dominance of military structures put civilian administrators at a significant disadvantage. Between 2003 and 2007, however, the rising number and complexity of civilian missions generated pressure for reform, which eventually led to the creation of a civilian headquarters. The historical analysis provides the basis for assessing the EU's current institutional capacities for civilian crisis management. While some administrative capacity deficits have been addressed, increased institutional formalization and further politically motivated reforms may increase tensions and hamper the accumulation of expertise. 相似文献
212.
张二军 《河南省政法管理干部学院学报》2013,(1):114-120
牵连犯作为一种罪数形态,在刑法理论中具有重要地位。刑法理论中对牵连犯的判断是以牵连关系为标准,牵连关系在理论上不仅存在两种基本形式,而且也存在多种观点分歧。事实上,牵连关系与犯罪构成要件之间联系密切。当数行为之间的牵连关系属于同一犯罪构成要件之间的牵连时,应认定为一罪,应按从一从重的处断原则处罚;反之,如果数行为属于数个不同犯罪构成要件之间的牵连,则构成数罪,应实行并罚。 相似文献
213.
陈燕红 《河南司法警官职业学院学报》2013,(3):88-91
临时仲裁作为仲裁制度初始阶段的唯一形式,在解决争议纠纷方面相比机构仲裁有其独特的优势。临时仲裁制度在现今世界上大多数国家都得以确立,在国际层面也得到认同。我国在仲裁制度建立之初,没有确立临时仲裁,但随着社会发展和进步,无论从经济层面还是法治层面考量,都需要确立我国的临时仲裁制度。 相似文献
214.
Aaron S. Klieman 《政治交往》2013,30(1):43-78
For all of their centralized power and undisputed authority, even crisis leaders are susceptible to breakdowns in political communication. This is particularly significant when martial rule or a state of emergency—most effective when of short duration— becomes open‐ended; the sense of urgency no longer prevails. In the initial stage of proclaiming a constitutional emergency it is perhaps easiest to create an atmosphere of crisis and to promote a collective sense of danger. A climate of national fear and insecurity, in turn, enables the constitutional dictator to mobilize broad support even for draconian measures imposed at the expense of individual freedoms. With the prolongation of the emergency, however, and the institutionalization of crisis government, certain immunities to authoritarianism do begin to surface. As suggested by periods of prolonged emergency rule in India and South Korea, the leader becomes remote and isolated; he or she no longer feels quite so compelled to communicate; domestic opposition increases. The experience of President Marcos and the Philippines since 1972 illustrates some of the political dynamics of the modern, permanent “emergency state.” What has happened to the New Society program of reforms should help in understanding the critical link of communication between leaders and their followers under conditions of either real or manipulative domestic political stress. 相似文献
215.
Vicky S. Karahalios Shannon M. Williams Elizabeth Matteo 《Journal of prevention & intervention in the community》2013,41(1):15-23
Undergraduate students (218 women, 57 men) attending a Roman Catholic, suburban university with a Franciscan charism tradition completed open-ended items assessing their perception on the mission, vision, and values of their university. However, only 41 lower division, first-year students (33 women, 8 men) and 29 upper division students (22 women, 7 men) actually wrote about different aspects of their school's identity. Qualitative themes emerged in regard to students' assessment of their school identity, such as university mission activities are perceived important, and overall support for different institutional values within the university community. 相似文献
216.
2012年经济增长下行压力加大,各地方采取了积极有效应对措施,实现经济平稳发展。该文根据对皖粤黔川四省的调研,在肯定成绩的同时,也找出了一些存在的困难和问题,并从长期困扰中国社会主义市场经济发展的思维习惯、管理体制、政策法规和运作路径入手,提出转变行政管理思路、改善行政工作方法等对策建议。 相似文献
217.
Roman Senninger 《West European politics》2013,36(1):203-224
Institutional responses of parliaments to international developments are widely regarded as efficient changes because they tend to be unaffected by partisan preferences and benefit all members of parliament equally. This article challenges that common notion by providing evidence that the institutional responses of national parliaments to European integration are in large part the result of international partisan emulation. Spatial regression analyses robustly show that parliamentary EU oversight institutions diffuse across member states whose majority parties have similar constitutional preferences. A parliament is more likely to emulate the EU oversight institution of another parliament if their majority parties have similar ideas about the territorial distribution of power and institutional framework for policy making. This result has important implications for our understanding of institutional change in parliament. Responses of parliaments to external developments may appear non-partisan at first sight but unfold partisan characteristics if one looks beyond the domestic level. 相似文献
218.
《发展研究杂志》2013,49(2):57-108
This two-part essay seeks to explain why group-based and individual piecework arrangements have become the modal form of payment for a variety of agricultural tasks in central Gujarat, India. Part 1 of the essay reviews New Institutional Economics (NIE) and Marxist Political Economy (MPE) approaches to the labour process, and claims that while the 'efficiency' and 'disciplinary' considerations emphasized by NIE and MPE in their explanations of contractual change are important influences on the labour process, specific institutional outcomes depend heavily on the cultural realities of actors' practices. Part 2 challenges the epistemological assumptions of NIE and MPE narratives, specifically that agents with stable identities perform actions with fixed meanings. Instead, the recent surge in piecework employment must be viewed as part of an ongoing tussle between the dominant Lewa Patel caste and the subordinate Baraiya/Koli caste to alter their relative standings in the social order. Their unceasing attempts to reinvent their group identities have involved shifting understandings of 'work' - with direct implications for labour contracts. As a corrective to NIE and MPE, the essay proposes a semiotic approach to the labour process that bundles the notions of 'social regulation' and 'self-regulation' into the concept of 'work governmentality'. 相似文献
219.
Mark Smith 《Local Government Studies》2013,39(3):473-493
Local government bodies are increasingly attempting to integrate different functions and departments in the production of policies, plans and programmes. Despite this interest, a general lack of conceptualisation around integration currently exists, presenting difficulties for local government practitioners to pursue such integration. This article reports findings of an ESRC PhD case study into integration in local government, and presents a conceptualisation which seeks to resolve these outstanding issues surrounding integration. These findings are particularly apt given the ongoing changes to local government in England. 相似文献
220.
Robyn Pilcher 《Local Government Studies》2013,39(4):367-389
Abstract The impact the International Financial Reporting Standards (IFRS) has on business has been considered by various authors, such as Jones and Higgins (2006). However, there has not been the same research conducted with respect to local government. As Australia and New Zealand are leading the world by being the first to introduce IFRS into local government financial reporting, this study is timely in order todetermine the impact of compliance on local government. With the New Public Management (NPM) introduced in the late 1970s, accrual accounting and the desire to enhance transparency became embedded in financial reporting across the world. The paper adds to the growing literature on institutional theory with results of the study suggesting that a form of coercive isomorphism is present in regards to local government compliance with IFRS. It also suggests that the philosophy behind NPM – especially that espousing the benefits of public sector reporting in a private sector vein–may not be as relevant to Australian local government as the policy makers would have us believe. The thrust to implement IFRS may have finally pushed local government into a world they struggle to cope with. For example, findings indicate that there is now, more than ever, a perception in the community that the bottom line is an important indicator of a council's performance. Results reported here determined that the implementation process was time-consuming and costly with, in general, very little perceived benefit. Councils are conforming to the coercive pressure from legislative bodies, but they are not converging as part of the ‘transaction-neutral’ reporting regime. 相似文献