社会主义民主政治建设的基础性工程——关于推进基层民主建设的思考

基层民主政治建设是社会主义民主政治事业的一项基础性工程。在党的领导下扎实推进基层民主政治的建设,需要在提高认识基础上通过各种途径拓展基层民主政治的深度和广度,重视充分发挥党内民主对于基层民主的保障与促进作用,以改变执政方式为前提,确立以"共治"方式推进基层民主发展的新思路。     

探析我国刑事诉讼中测谎权的配置问题

我国刑事诉讼中的测谎权是一种权力,单向配置给追诉机关.这一配置格局既忽视了测谎技术在刑事诉讼中的保护无辜功能,违背了刑事诉讼中控辩平等的基本原则,削弱了辩方的举证权和辩护权,也不能满足被追诉人单方主动提出测谎的现实需求.因此,我国刑事诉讼中的测谎权应当重新配置,赋予被追诉人有条件的独立测谎申请权,坚持测谎申请权与测谎决定权的结合.     

Accountability of Public Servants under Dominant Political Settlements of China: Effects,Challenges, and Issues

Some scholars think that accountability is attainable only under the electoral political system. However, it is argued that China could achieve some weak accountability even without general election system. How could this be achieved in China? The paper attempts to analyze this question with the following steps: first, it describes the specific accountability system by categorizing different approaches based on four dimensions, then focuses on the impacts that these approaches would have, which are based on finance, fairness and efficiency. It is concluded that under a dominant political settlement, only weak accountability exists in China, not real or strong accountability.     

在深化改革中不断提高党校教学质量

党校作为培训各级领导干部的主阵地、主渠道,必须适应形势发展变化,通过以下几个方面深化教学改革,以不断提高党校教学质量：一是转变教学思路,大胆借鉴＂现代培训理念＂的精华;二是创新教学形式,大力推行＂研究式教学＂模式;三是改革教学内容,努力做到＂依需定学、因需施教＂;四是提升教师能力素质,构建＂开放型师资队伍＂。     

资本主义代议制民主政治制度的元批判——马克思《路易·波拿巴的雾月十八日》新释

《路易·波拿巴的雾月十八日》是多个学科公认的经典名著。但国内外学者对其的解读却往往囿于各自的学科意识,忽视了其作为一篇时事政治评论的创作初衷。基于政治事件史的视角,以马克思《资本论》中成熟的思想作为分析的出发点,能发现马克思在对阶级斗争和国家原理的分析过程中还揭示出了资本主义代议制民主政治制度的本质性缺陷,即"代表"的分裂问题;制度本身无法避免成为保守势力倒转历史车轮的工具;自由主义与民主主义无休止的斗争。这些缺陷使得资本主义国家在周期性经济危机的影响下一直无法摆脱政治困境的周期性反复。当代随着经济危机的反复爆发与萧条的普遍蔓延,各种"煽动者"又开始普遍在资本主义国家政坛上崭露头角,并导致了一系列"黑天鹅"事件的发生。此时重温《路易·波拿巴的雾月十八日》更应别有一番意趣。     

论加强新时代党的全面领导的法规制度建设

新时代党的领导以全面领导为特征,以法治化为基本方向,为此,必须在准确把握党的全面领导内涵的前提下,完善党的全面领导的法规制度,使党的全面领导做到有法可依、有法必依.党的全面领导以政治领导为核心和根本,在党的全面领导的法规制度建设中,要着重围绕政治领导,首先从《宪法》《党章》层面对党的全面领导做出规定,同时也要在党的全面领导的主要领域做到有规可依,注重用党内法规制度解决党的全面领导存在的突出问题,这样才能更好地保证党的全面领导要求得到真正贯彻落实.     

Negotiating normative premises in democracy promotion: Venezuela and the Inter-American Democratic Charter

ABSTRACT

This article analyses negotiations on democracy promotion by looking at the case of the Inter-American Democratic Charter. It argues that Venezuela contested the concept of representative democracy during the Charter negotiations, advancing the notion of “participatory and protagonist democracy” and that, even if it was unsuccessful in its demands, the country contributed to deepening the debate on the concept of democracy, on which there is far from worldwide consensus. The article suggests that the main drivers of the negotiation process and the final agreement were domestic political changes in Venezuela, specific features of the negotiations, and the structural position of Venezuela in the field of democracy promotion in the global and regional contexts, which were, at the time, favourable to a compromising attitude to conclusion of the Charter, even if not to the concept of democracy.     

Rethinking measures of democracy and welfare state universalism: Lessons from subnational research

ABSTRACT

Democracy and the welfare state are two of the most extensively studied concepts and themes in the field of comparative politics. Debate about how to best measure the two concepts has failed to contemplate the extent to which political and social rights are uniformly present across distinct regions of the national territory, despite the presence of substantial subnational research that underscores wide variation inside countries. We argue that this omission hampers our understanding of the two phenomena and we propose a new measure of democracy and healthcare universalism, which we call the Adjusted Measures of Democracy and Welfare Universalism. The new measures integrate territorial inequality into existing national-level indicators, providing a more accurate picture of country performance and opening the door to new, multi-level theory building.     

How is it Possible for Democracies to Effectively Tackle Long-Term Problems?

ABSTRACT

The aim of this essay is to examine if and how it is possible for the political system of democracy to effectively tackle long-term public problems that are wicked in nature, taking climate crisis as an example. It consists of four sections. The first section is devoted to a brief historical overview of the conflict between eco-authoritarianism and ecological democracy. The following section examines if and to what extent “environmental pessimism” – disillusionment with the ability of liberal/capitalist democracies to effectively tackle long-term environmental problems – which has made a remarkable comeback since late 1980s, is empirically grounded, on the basis of performance evaluation of the contracting parties to the Kyoto Protocol (adopted on 11 December 1997 and entered into force on 16 February 2005), and the Climate Change Performance Index that evaluates and ranks the climate mitigation performance of 58 countries responsible for over 90 per cent of global energy-related CO₂ emissions, released every year by Germanwatch and Climate Action Network Europe. The third section focuses on more theoretical/normative issues, critically examining the cogency of a claim, made by no small number of environmental pessimists, that democratic institutions, due to their myopic tendencies, usually work systematically to the disadvantage of future generations. The last section is devoted to the examination of measures thus far advocated and partly put into practice for correcting the myopic tendencies of democracy, emphasizing the vital need for non-representative measures, or self-restraint mechanisms built into democracy itself, whose primary function lies in preventing democracy from degenerating due to the influence of the myopic majority, thereby protecting ecological sustainability and the well-being of future generations.     

浅论清末民初章士钊的政党思想

章士钊是中国近代史上著名的思想家和理论家,他注意观察和研究近代民主政治,尤其是政党政治,他强调党纲的重要性,推崇英国式的政党内阁制,并由此提出了毁党造党说,即政党和国内政治资源的重新优化组合,一方面,所谓党者尽毁之,既毁其名又毁其实,另一方面,造有党纲之党,在国内形成两大政党对抗的局面。毁党造党说轰动一时,但因不符合中国的国情而遭到失败。