一位有思想气度的作家--对王蒙的一种解读方式

王蒙创作好评如潮,但评价中也存在误置和误读现象。他从初步文坛开始便独立思考并坚持文学性追求,“寻找”是其创作的贯穿性主题。王蒙文学思想的探索在于建构审视“异化”的整体性美学体系,尤其看重以文学语言的多样化解构语言“异化”。他是有思想气度的作家,是在文学叙事中达到时代高度的思想家。     

EXPENDITURES ON CHILDREN AND VISITATION TIME

In their critique, Garfinkel, McLanahan, and Wallerstein raise concerns about the representativeness of the authors' sample, benchmark approach methodology, and historical review of guidelines, all of which lead them to discount the evidence presented opposing the cliff-model assumption of father expenditures on children, and to laud instead child support guidelines that give little monetary credit or adjustment for visitation. This article presents evidence that (a) this sample is at most little biased, and remains trustworthy for the main implications presented; (b) although only a beginning, the benchmark approach is highly useful and most of the concerns raised about it are ill founded or implausible; and (c) the historical review suggesting that current guidelines assume zero visitation expenses is indeed accurate for the vast majority of states, according to the foremost authority. Thus, notwithstanding the critique, these findings have merit and importance and should be considered by policy makers. The authors also comment on the additional arguments against continuous and generous adjustments for visitation, finding them based on a weak foundation of evidence and reasoning.     

孙中山社会主义思想的历史语境与当代价值

孙中山社会主义思想的产生有其时代特质,但在当代依然有着十分重要的现实价值。     

共有人优先购买权的发生及制度价值

共有人优先购买权在长期的历史发展中已形成一种交易习惯,作为民事特别优先权制度,它具有着悠久的渊源和历史根基。由于我国法律对共有人优先购买权规定比较模糊笼统,操作性不强,才导致了纠纷的大量出现。共有人优先购买权有利于减少冲突的发生,促进交易秩序的安全稳定,有利于对共有财产的保护。规定具体的共有人优先购买权制度,不但可以降低交易成本,还可以稳定交易秩序。在现阶段,我国有必要保留共有人优先购买权制度,并对该制度进行完善。     

TESTING FOR TEMPORALLY DIFFERENTIATED RELATIONSHIPS AMONG POTENTIALLY CRIMINOGENIC PLACES AND CENSUS BLOCK STREET ROBBERY COUNTS

This study examined street robbery patterns in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, from the years 2009 to 2011 to determine whether the effects of potentially criminogenic places are different across different periods of the day. Census block (N = 13,164) street robbery counts across four periods (6:45 a.m . to 9:59 a.m., 10:00 a.m . to 4:29 p.m ., 4:30 p.m . to 9:14 p.m ., and 9:15 p.m. to 6:44 a.m. ) were modeled with 12 different potentially criminogenic places, 3 measures of illicit markets, 4 compositional control variables, and spatially lagged versions of the 12 potentially criminogenic places and population using simultaneously estimated negative binomial regression models. Differences in the magnitudes of the parameter estimates across the time periods were assessed with Wald tests. Overall, the patterns across the four models were mostly consistent with the effects hypothesized based on the study's crime pattern theory and time‐geography theoretical frame; yet differences in the magnitudes of the coefficients were less pronounced than hypothesized. Overall, the results provide moderate support for the crime pattern theory and time‐geography explanation of spatial‐temporal robbery patterns; however, numerous points are raised for future crime and place research.     

Can parity of self-esteem serve as the basis of the principle of linguistic territoriality?

In this paper, I argue that Philippe Van Parijs’ argument for the principle of linguistic territoriality rests upon an unexamined and unvindicated assumption, to the effect that most situations in which smaller languages are threatened by larger ones can be assimilated to ‘colonial cases’, that is to cases in which there is injustice as between the two linguistic groups, as opposed to ‘mere number cases’, that is cases in which linguistic groups of different sizes coexist in the absence of injustice. Moreover, I argue that Van Parijs underestimates the amount of coercion that will have to be applied even within linguistically defined territories in order to avoid the erosion of the smaller language.     

The political value of languages

A theory of linguistic justice needs to take into account the three distinct values of language as a medium for communication, as a source of individual identity and as an instrument for political self-government. Doing so would undermine Van Parijs’ claim that political borders and peoples should be downgraded to a purely instrumental role for purposes of social justice. But it would widen the scope of egalitarian global justice by including a universal right of individuals to membership self-governing polities and it could provide more solid theoretical foundations for his defence of coercive territorial language regimes.     

FN-EIIIA肽段表达与皮肤损伤时间推断研究

目的 在mRNA研究的基础上,研究大鼠皮肤挫伤后含EIIIA□段的Fn蛋白水平表达与损伤时间关系。方法片段特异性单克隆抗体免疫组织化学染色。结果伤后6h表皮细胞、毛囊上皮细胞等出现棕黄色阳性染色颗粒,并随损伤时间延长染色加深。结论Fn-EIIIA片段检测可用于法医学生前伤确认和损伤时间推断。     

核因子-кB及其在创伤性脑损伤后的作用

核因子-кB是一种具有多向性调节作用的核转录因子。机体受到创伤后,NF-кB被激活,调节多种炎性介质基因转录,引起局部及全身的炎症反应。对NF-кB的有关研究可望用于法医学家对损伤时间的推测。     

Heidegger's Political Philosophy and the Theory of the Liberal State

The paper explores Martin Heidegger's political philosophy and its relation to the theory and ethical foundations of the liberal state. It first reconstructs the key doctrines of Heidegger's philosophy formulated in Being and Time. It then turns to Heidegger's later philosophy after the famous turning and investigates its relation to the fundamental ontology of Heidegger's earlier years. In a third step, Heidegger's much discussed Nazism and its link - by some commentators fervently defended and by others passionately denied — to his philosophy is the focus of attention. The findings about Heidegger's philosophy are then critically assessed: firstly as to their philosophical merits concerning fundamental questions of epistemology, ontology or philosophical anthropology and secondly as to their relations to the ethical and theoretical foundations of the liberal state. As a result some proposals are made as to whether or not it is justified to regard Heidegger's work as part of the darker legacies of European thought. This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date.