Understanding the Association Between Maltreatment History and Adolescent Risk Behavior by Examining Popularity Motivations and Peer Group Control

The purpose of the present study was to examine how peer group processes of pressure and control and individual motivations for popularity would add to, and moderate the relationship between, childhood maltreatment and risky behavior in adolescence. A total of 1558 youth (804 girls) from three high schools in Ontario, Canada (M age = 15.02 years, SD = .86) reported on their alcohol use, delinquent behavior, childhood experiences of physical and emotional maltreatment and neglect, peer group processes involving control and individual popularity motivations. Regression analyses showed that, beyond the significant contributions of childhood maltreatment, peer group control predicted risky alcohol use and delinquent behavior. Peer group control and popularity motivations exacerbated the negative effect of physical maltreatment on delinquent behavior. Boys’ experiences of peer group control were more strongly linked to alcohol use and delinquent behavior than girls’. These results suggest that there is a significant window of opportunity during adolescence where the peer group context can exacerbate or buffer childhood experiences.

辽宁流动人口犯罪社会学分析及控制对策

流动人口犯罪是社会人口在大规模迁移流动过程中衍生的负面效应。自改革开放以来,我国在经济高速增长的同时也在经历着流动人口犯罪的高发期。辽宁省作为振兴东北老工业基地的重中之重,随着外来流动人口数量的逐年增长,外来流动人口的犯罪形势亦日趋严峻,根据社会学的方法论原则,来系统分析辽宁外来流动人口犯罪的基本特征、形成原因以及流动人口管理中存在的问题,是科学制定综合治理控制对策的前提和基础。     

Familial Correlates of Overt and Relational Aggression between Young Adolescent Siblings

Multi-group confirmatory factor analysis and multi-group structural equation modeling were used to test correlates of overt and relational aggression between young adolescent siblings across four groups (i.e., male/male, male/female, female/male, and female/female sibling pairs), using 433 predominately European American families. Similar patterns of associations were found across groups when distinguished by gender composition. Family environment emerged as an important factor in explaining internalizing problems as well as overt/relational aggression for both younger and older siblings. While perceived maternal psychological control was significantly positively related to overt/relational aggression and internalizing problems for younger siblings, it was significantly positively associated with only relational aggression for older siblings. Findings also provided partial support for the positive linkages between young adolescents’ aggression and their own and siblings’ internalizing problems above and beyond the aforementioned family and maternal variables. Results of the current study extend the understanding of adolescent aggression to a new relational context, or among siblings, and highlight the role of family factors in promoting or buffering the impact of aggression on internalizing behaviors.

Confidence and Caretakers: Some Less‐Obvious Implications of the Fixed‐Term Parliaments Act

This article explores the 2011 Fixed‐term Parliaments Act's less‐obvious implications. First, it discusses why Theresa May found calling the 2017 election so straightforward, and notes what this implies for how FTPA works. Second, it looks at executive–legislative relations. FTPA removed the government's ability to designate controversial parliamentary votes as matters of confidence, and introduced a fourteen‐day cushion between a no‐confidence vote and Parliament's dissolution. In the process, it shifted the balance of power from ministers to backbenchers, to an extent potentially greater than most observers recognise. Third, it considers the more outlandish possibilities raised by FTPA's imposition of a fourteen‐day waiting period after a government's defeat on a no‐confidence motion before a new election can be called. It is possible, for example, for rebel MPs from the governing party to use the no‐confidence procedure to force concessions from the cabinet. Finally, it assesses FTPA's long‐term survival prospects, and what repeal would involve.     

Statutory Protection for Renters: Classification of State Landlord–Tenant Policy Approaches

There are many federal, state, and local laws governing the landlord–tenant relationship. Yet scholars know little about their variety and what impact differences among jurisdictions have on renters and rental housing markets. This article examines state-level landlord–tenant policy approaches to determine whether there is significant policy variation and whether states illustrate identifiable policy types. Using cluster and discriminant analysis, this research creates a typology of landlord–tenant policy approaches, finding three distinctive approaches: protectionist, probusiness, and contradictory. This research indicates there is significant variation among state landlord–tenant statutory policies, although states’ laws generally reflect one of three philosophies. These results are important for future studies on rental housing because treating all state rental environments the same masks important differences in rental experiences across states. As an illustration, this article finds that renters in protectionist and contradictory states move significantly more than renters in probusiness states do. Furthermore, understanding where renters have more or less legal protection allows policymakers and advocates to focus their efforts on areas where assistance is most needed.     

Towards parliamentarisation of foreign and security policy?

Abstract

It is customary to argue that foreign policy is very much dominated by the executive, with parliaments wielding limited influence. However, with the exception of the US Congress, legislative?executive relations in the realm of foreign and security policy have attracted remarkably little scholarly attention. Drawing on a principal?agent framework, this collection scrutinises the conventional wisdom of ‘executive autonomy’ in foreign affairs, indicating that even though parliaments have arguably become more involved in foreign and security policy over time, any notions of parliamentarisation need to be treated with caution. While expectations of consensus in the name of the national interest continue to play an important role in foreign policy decision-making, the papers highlight the role of party-political contestation structuring parliamentary debates and votes in this increasingly politicised issue area. This introductory paper introduces the analytical framework and hypotheses guiding the contributions in this collection, summarises their main findings and suggests avenues for future research.     

Prime ministers and the electoral cost of using the confidence vote in legislative bargaining: evidence from France

Do prime ministers pay an electoral penalty for using procedural force to pass laws? Influential theories of parliamentary governance and legislative bargaining assume that the use of the confidence vote procedure – parliamentary governments’ most powerful legislative weapon – entails an electoral cost, but evidence on this important claim has been scarce. This article provides the first estimates of how prime ministers’ public approval responds to their use of the confidence vote. Analysing time series data from France 1979–2008, it is found that prime ministers experience a considerable drop in approval after their use of the confidence vote that is not accounted for by standard economic and political covariates. The effect size is similar to a 1 per cent decline in economic growth. The findings help explain French prime ministers’ selective use of the confidence vote procedure. They also suggest that political costs constrain the bargaining power conferred by the confidence vote.     

防扩散还将是中美合作亮点吗?——中美防扩散合作模式、动因及前景探析

九一一事件以来,防扩散成为中美合作亮点。两国在多层面形成较稳定的合作模式:在国际防扩散机制建设方面,美中之间主要是倡议者和积极参与者、建设者的关系;在应对地区核热点方面,中美分别扮演了"好警察"和"坏警察"的角色;在双边合作方面,中美互动以培训与协作为主。防扩散之所以能够成为中美合作亮点,是空前严峻的核扩散形势及两国防扩散战略调整等主客观因素共同作用的结果。防扩散合作加深了中美了解与互信,稳定了热点地区形势,保障了中美两国的安全与发展利益,改善了中美经贸交流的外部环境。但随着近年国际形势发生深刻变化,中美防扩散合作面临抓手减少、互补协作难度增大、地缘干扰因素增加等挑战。因此,对未来的中美防扩散合作不能盲目乐观。当然,形势变化也孕育着新的希望。中国的快速发展将扩大中美防扩散合作的共同利益基础,并为两国合作提供更多智慧和资源。中美应在更加平等的基础上,适时调整防扩散合作重点,探索新的合作模式,使之成为两国携手进行全球治理和维护地区秩序的样板。     

社会转型期政府利益问题的制度分析

政府利益是政府通过行使公共权力而获取的利益,是政府额外追求的利益。正当的政府利益可能会促进公共利益的实现,而非正当的政府利益则可能损害公共利益的实现。我们应该正确对待政府利益问题,对于正当的利益可以通过合理界定其边界予以保障,而对于非正当利益则需要进行全方位的制度建设坚决遏制。