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111.
Tomi Suzuki 《Japan Forum》2018,30(1):85-104
AbstractThis paper shows the ways in which, in the immediate post-war period (1945–1951), Kawabata Yasunari (1899–1972) reflected on his earlier, pre-war literary career and re-envisioned his postwar literary trajectory by constructing a new genealogy of the modern novel in Japan, in relationship to the intricate issues of the literary styles of the modern novel, ‘national language’ (kokugo), and the literary tradition. By examining his Shin bunshō tokuhon (New Guide to Literary Language, 1950), which presents Kawabata's past and present views of literary language, I will argue that Kawabata's changing views of language and literary style must be understood in the context of contemporary debates over national language policy and language reform movements. I will show the manner by which Kawabata formulated his views of language in dialogue with his two rival writers: Yokomitsu Riichi (1898–1947) in the prewar period and Tanizaki Junichirō (1886–1965) in the postwar period. As we shall see, the death of his close literary colleague Yokomitsu in 1947 and Tanizaki's unflagging literary exploration during and following the war prompted Kawabata to position himself in a genealogy of modern Japanese literary writers as well as in relationship to the linguistic and literary tradition of Japan. 相似文献
112.
Taxpayer governmentality: governing government in Metro Vancouver’s transit tax debate 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Kyle Willmott 《Economy and Society》2017,46(2):255-274
In a 2015 plebiscite, voters in Metro Vancouver, British Columbia rejected a proposed sales tax dedicated to funding a regional transportation plan. Opposition was spearheaded by a taxpayer group that focused on the perceived incompetence and wastefulness of the region’s transportation authority. Exercising a liberal imperative of ‘permanent critique of government’, the taxpayer group assembled evidence addressed to ‘taxpayers’. Developing a theoretical account of ‘taxpayer governmentality’, the paper analyses how people are addressed and fashioned as taxpayer subjects, empowered and responsibilized to govern government, and their own political conduct, as sceptical, calculating, non-political, economic actors. The paper concludes by suggesting that this taxpayer subject may be productive for understanding the practice of liberal critique and limitations of the state. 相似文献
113.
Leah Montange 《Citizenship Studies》2017,21(5):509-526
This paper attends to the relationships and spatialities through which immigration detention centers, though isolating and constraining spaces, are shaped by detainees. I approach the problematic of detainee resistance and agency through both Critical Citizenship Studies and feminist relational frameworks. I do so through a case study of one particular rupture – the 2014 hunger strikes at the Northwest Detention Center. My analysis of the 2014 hunger strikes at the NWDC directs me to conceptualize detainee activism as a process of political subjectivization, though one that is fraught with physical and political risk to both detainees and the order of sovereignty and citizenship. This process is undergirded by and productive of a series of interpersonal and political relations that mediate detainee actions and statements, and constitute them as a rupture in the order of sovereignty and citizenship. 相似文献
114.
Paola Rivetti 《Democratization》2017,24(6):1178-1194
This article examines mobilizations and activism in authoritarian settings by considering the case of Iran. By focusing on the transformation of activism since the 1990s and the green movement, it advances an explanation of how oppositional political groups have been able to survive and produce forms of resistant subjectivity despite authoritarian constraints. In order to do so, the article brings together two scholarly traditions, namely Social Movement Theory (SMT) and the study of subjectivity and resistance as framed by Sari Hanafi. SMT explains how activists have been able to navigate repression and create opportunities for mobilization while shifting between formal and informal politics. The study of subjectivity helps conceptualize the type of subjects or political citizens that authoritarian environments generate. The article builds on field research with activists conducted in Iran and Turkey between 2007 and 2016. It argues that authoritarian constraints allow autonomous activism to flourish while emptying of meaning the regime-sanctioned political infrastructures. 相似文献
115.
党的十七大把群众公认原则作为提高选人用人公信度的准则之一,是因为群众公认原则首先建立在深厚的马克思主义基础上,同时也汲取了西方文明的一些思想,特别是肥沃的民主思想。人民主体性是群众公认成为干部选拔任用评价主体的根本依据;集体决策理论是群众公认成为干部选拔任用评价主体的合理内核;政治参与是群众公认成为干部选拔任用评价主体的基本要求。 相似文献
116.
Maksym Zherebkin 《Communist and Post》2009,42(2):199-216
The article aims to identify a theoretical framework which would be able to provide explanation for the cases of political mobilization during the ‘Colour revolutions’ in Georgia, Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan. It reviews the existing literature on the topic, which is predominantly oriented by the ‘transition paradigm’. The major shortcomings of this literature are identified: the privileging of either structure or agency when accounting for social change, a strong emphasis on the role of elites and insufficient attention to collective agency. Accordingly, I argue that the methodology of poststructuralist discourse theory may importantly supplement the ‘transitological’ framework owing to its ability to conceptualize the dynamic interdependence between structure and agency, as well as the formation of collective political identities. 相似文献
117.
陈晓红 《安徽警官职业学院学报》2009,8(4):92-93,96
从萨特的感情生活视角来重新解读《禁闭》,从而揭示出萨特文学创作与其情感生活的关系.那就是,萨特相当一部分作品其写作的题材、创作的动力来自其现实情感生活.萨特的情感生活与其创作是融合在一起的。 相似文献
118.
彭林祥 《西安外事学院学报》2007,(3)
《新月》杂志上的文学广告在20年代末30年代初的报刊界独树一帜。编辑们以多样的行销策略和高超的写作艺术使其达到了文学性与商业性、趣味性与严肃性的经典结合,具有很高的审美价值和典范意义。 相似文献
119.
艺术良心:文学创作的"通灵宝玉" 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
王东成 《中国青年政治学院学报》2005,24(1):118-124
艺术良心是创作主体艺术人格的重要体现.古今中外文学创作的实践表明,艺术良心,是一切真正的文学创作的一块须臾不可离开的"通灵宝玉",是一个优秀的创作主体的审美与道义的源泉.所谓艺术良心,就是对生活、对人民、对正义、对艺术的忠诚与热爱,就是以生活为源泉、以人民为上帝、以正义为号令、以艺术为生命的自觉与选择. 相似文献
120.
JILL MARSHALL 《Feminist Legal Studies》2006,14(1):27-51
One of the main purposes of feminist jurisprudence is to create or find better ways of being and living for women through the analysis, critique, and use of law. Rich work has emerged, and continues to emerge, from feminist theorists exploring conceptions of the self, personhood, identity and subjectivity that could be used to form a basic unit in law and politics. In this article, it is argued that a strong sense of human subjectivity needs to be retained to enable the human potentiality of women and men to flourish. This can be done in a way which is not essentialist, yet does not dissolve the subject out of existence, issues pertinent to feminist jurisprudence in recent years. 相似文献