通过诉讼的政府控制

没有控制的权力必然导致腐败.政府权力应受到控制已成为世界各法治国家所遵从的一条公理.政府权力的无限扩张性、执政理念转变的必然性使人们开始意识到有限制政府权力之必要.实现法治国家首先要求对政府权力有所控制,通过诉讼(行政诉讼和宪法诉讼)对政府进行控制不失为一条有效的途径.针对当前国际国内形势,首先要弱化权力崇拜、强化行政服务,其次要完善行政诉讼法、加强对政府的监督,而宪法的权威性和至上性决定了通过宪法诉讼是控制政府权力的首要选择.我国在完善行政诉讼的同时亟须建立适合我国国情的宪法诉讼制度.     

Explaining the Reversed Gender Gap in Political Consumerism: Personality Traits as Significant Mediators

Research on political consumerism documents a persistent reversed gender gap, as women boycott and buycott products more often than men. Previous efforts to explain the reversed gender gap rely on classical theoretical models developed to illuminate gender differences in political participation in general. Accounting for socio‐economic and situational factors as well as socialization leaves a significant amount of the reversed gender gap unexplained, though. Adhering to recent empirical evidence of personality as an important factor influencing political behavior, we argue that gender differences in personality traits could provide an alternative explanation to account for gender disparities in political consumerism. We use original survey data specially designed to measure political consumerism in Switzerland, which also include the Big Five model of personality. We find empirical evidence that gender differences in personality traits, in particular agreeableness, explain a significant portion of the reversed gender gap in political consumerism.     

德国股东派生诉讼制度评析

德国《股份法》在借鉴了他国规定,对股东资格进行必要限制的同时,以诉前审查程序———诉讼许可申请作为股东派生诉讼的前置程序,通过法院的依法审查来保证诉讼的正当性;股东论坛的设置,开通了股东之间交流联系的快捷网络通道,以方便其达到法律规定的权利行使条件;特别的诉讼费用承担设计,在减轻股东诉讼风险的同时,为强制公司自主行使权利施加了潜在压力。     

我国公司法的可实施性刍论

我国2006年公司法增强了“可实施性”,部分解决了司法实践中长期困扰法律工作者的公司纠纷案件缺乏诉讼依据的问题。基于公司纠纷诉讼案件的特殊性,引发出调整和补正相关民事诉讼制度的必要性。同时仍然需要在立法和司法实践中逐步完善公司法的规定,进一步增强其可实施性,以最终完全激活公司法。     

我国无独立请求权第三人制度的改革与完善

我国无独立请求权第三人制度具体改革方案的设计以及相关配套措施的推进,应是引进大陆法系的从参加制度时,保障从参加人的诉讼权利,同时赋予从参加人一次性纠纷解决的选择权;而引进美国的第三方被告制度时,则需要为第三人提供更有力的保护措施。此外,还应增设交互诉讼制度,重新界定第三人的范围,将可以作为本诉共同被告的人从第三人中分离出去。     

If I'll win it,I want it: The role of instrumental considerations in explaining public support for referendums

Across established democracies, citizens express high levels of support for decision making via referendums. What drives these preferences remains yet unclear. In this article it is argued that, first, process preferences are less stable than previously assumed but vary substantially across policy proposals. Second, it is suggested that instrumental considerations play an important role in shaping citizens’ preferences for referendums. Specifically, citizens who favour the policy proposal or believe that they hold a majority opinion are expected to express more support for the use of referendums. An original survey was designed and conducted in the Netherlands (N = 1,289) that contains both between and within respondent variation across a range of policy proposals. The findings support these arguments: Both the desire for a specific policy change and the perception of being in the majority with one's policy preference relate to support for the use of referendums across policy proposals, levels of governance, and between and within respondents. This study contributes to a better understanding of process preferences by showing that these preferences have a non-stable component and that instrumental considerations play an important role in citizens’ support for referendums.     

认罪认罚从宽制度下律师的地位与作用——以三个诉讼阶段为研究视角

认罪认罚从宽制度实施以来,在提高诉讼效率方面效果显著,但同时也伴随着架空程序正义的风险,律师实质性参与是认罪认罚从宽程序之正当性基础。加之认罪认罚从宽制度推动着协商性司法的进程,中国特色的控辩协商机制来日可期,律师的有效参与更应成为完善制度构建的应有之义。然而司法实践的现状与制度设计的初衷相去甚远,律师分别在侦查、审查起诉、审判各诉讼阶段发挥不同作用的同时也面临不同的参与困境。结合域外经验加以审视,认罪认罚从宽制度框架下的律师参与存在辩护理念和立法规制的双重缺失。具体而言,应推动有效辩护的理念建构和精细值班律师的制度建构,探寻律师实质性参与认罪认罚从宽程序的合理路径,从而有效保障被追诉人的诉讼权利,助力认罪认罚从宽制度的健康推进。     

Theoretically,yes, but also empirically? How the corruption-turnout link is marginally explained by civic duty to vote

Corruption is generally associated with low electoral participation. A recurrent explanation of the negative correlation between corruption and electoral turnout involves the rational calculus of the costs and benefits of voting. More specifically, in a context of high corruption, citizens do not vote because they think that doing so will hardly affect policy decisions. A number of influential studies has argued that corruption affects citizens' electoral engagement in a different and more fundamental way as well: It erodes their sense of civic duty to vote in elections. Yet, a relation between corruption and civic duty and a mediation effect of the attitude remains empirically untested. This article examines empirically whether perceived corruption and sense of civic duty are correlated, as well as whether civic duty mediates the relation between perceived corruption and turnout. It does so with the pooled Making Electoral Democracy Work data, as these data contain measures on individuals’ sense of civic duty to vote in four election levels, namely, national, regional, European, and municipal elections, as well as on their perception of corruption in each of these government levels, and on their participation in these four election levels as well. I find a weak relation between perceived corruption and civic duty, and a low mediation effect of the attitude (compared with rational factors), irrespective of the election level.     

目标群体参与:精准扶贫政策执行领域形式主义的治理之道

精准扶贫政策执行领域形式主义问题突出,制约政策执行成效。欲破除其形式主义,目标群体参与不失为一种有效的治理路径。目标群体参与可促使精准扶贫政策执行从贫困村贫困户的客观实际出发,紧密联系贫困群众,克服政策执行中的“面子工程”现象,真正实现政策目标。目标群体在精准识别阶段整体参与水平偏低、精准帮扶阶段消极被动参与、贫困退出阶段参与功能弱化、脱贫考核阶段参与有效性不足等问题,引致在克服形式主义方面力有不逮。应在精准识别阶段提升目标群体整体参与水平,精准帮扶阶段提高参与主动性与能力,贫困退出阶段加强参与制度保障,脱贫考核阶段增强参与的有效性,以从根本上治理形式主义这一政策执行不良现象。     

女性就业歧视公益诉讼制度法律机理研究

现行法律对女性就业歧视司法救济的规定不足,难以解决女性劳动者力量弱小、举证难、现有诉讼制度不足等问题。为进一步保障我国女性平等就业,需要构建女性就业歧视公益诉讼制度,从正当性、必要性、可行性分析其的法理基础。并对该制度的构建进行初步探究:原告资格以工会、妇女联合会等社会组织为主,新增专门的平等就业管理机构;举证责任在当事人之间合理分配;抗辩事由应包括劳动保护措施、真实职业资格、小微企业豁免制度等;法律责任形式从民事责任和行政责任两方面进行规范。