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21.
In spite of the attempts, in the most recent years, to introduce simple, accountable and rule‐based mechanisms governing the flows of funds for Romanian local governments (LGs) there is evidence showing that deviations from the norms are still widespread and undermine the stated goals of many policies. This article aims to explore to what extent the political factor (party affiliation, i.e. local informal power networks) interferes with the allocation of public funds as far as three main areas of decentralised policy are concerned: (i) the general purpose equalisation transfers; (ii) the Roads Fund grants and (iii) the transfers for financing the pre‐university education. These components represent a relatively large share of the local budgets and are illustrative for two important attributions Romanian LGs perform today: maintaining the local infrastructure and providing essential social services. Through a set of variables—measuring, on the one hand, the real pattern of resource allocation and on the other hand, the intensity of politicisation in the three areas—we tested the hypothesis that intergovernmental financial flows in Romania are to a large extent captured by rent‐seeking groups. It turns out that this is indeed the case with the funds for infrastructure, and much less so with the transfers financing pre‐university education. Some conclusions from these contrasting situations are drawn which reflect on the broader discussion, the link between decentralisation and corruption. Copyright © 2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   
22.
目前,我国地方政府在危机管理的意识、专业人才、协调机制、制度建设以及社会动员能力等方面均存在较大缺陷。借鉴泰罗的科学管理原理,有针对性地采取各种措施,对提高我国地方政府的危机管理水平具有十分重要的现实意义。  相似文献   
23.
《联合国反腐败公约》在强调打击腐败犯罪的同时,更强调对腐败犯罪实施综合预防战略。《公约》设立专章,对预防腐败措施作了系统的规定。目前,我国尚无预防腐败措施方面的中央级专门立法,但是,许多省、自治区、直辖市和较大市都进行了预防职务犯罪的地方立法。以《公约》为参照,借鉴国际经验,检视我国地方立法中职务犯罪预防措施,有利于促进我国预防腐败的制度建设和工作机制的进一步完善。  相似文献   
24.
How effective are autonomous audit agencies (AAAs) in curbing corruption and improving fiscal governance in emerging economies? AAAs are autonomous oversight agencies tasked with scrutinising government finances. However, they are not as effective as they could or should be, partly because of the political constraints they face and the political economy context in which they are embedded. This article assesses the performance and trajectory of the Argentine AAA. It suggests that AAAs can have only a limited impact when formal fiscal institutions are undermined by informal practices and undercut by adverse political incentives. It further highlights the limits of radical reform strategies based on the import of exogenous institutional models. This research has important research and policy implications for the reform and strengthening of AAAs in developing countries. Copyright © 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   
25.
我国城市大气环境质量不容乐观,特别是煤烟加汽车尾气复合型污染是当前急待解决的问题。要强化大气环境管理,应建立有效的大气环境管理运行机制,制定大气污染防治目标和对策,积极推进各种管理手段的改革和深化,坚持科研为管理服务,加强科学研究。  相似文献   
26.
大部制顺应了市场经济和服务型政府建设的要求,它是成熟市场经济国家与服务型政府职能相一致的政府组织体制,是与西方地方自治前提下的中央地方权力功能性分立相一致的。中国的国情决定我们在实行大部制改革过程中应深刻调整中央地方的关系,协调与党的机构、人大政协机构的关系,从决策、执行、监督相一致的高度设计,打破目前部门利益格局的权力运行框架。  相似文献   
27.
府际关系是一国政府行政体系内的不同层级之间、不同部门之间、不同地区之间以及部门与地区之间的关系,从主体的角度看,简言之就是块块关系、条条关系和条块关系。随着改革开放的发展,国内政府间的关系发生了很大的变化,府际关系的研究成为重要课题。  相似文献   
28.
ABSTRACT

Advice that is provided exclusively over the telephone has been promoted by government as more convenient and accessible than face-to-face appointments. The resulting push towards telephone-only provision, as implemented by the Legal Aid, Sentencing and Punishment of Offenders Act 2012, challenges the long history of association between social welfare law advice and local delivery within disadvantaged communities. This article reports on qualitative research comparing telephone and face-to-face advice which uncovers the continuing relevance of place in the dynamics and mechanics of social welfare law provision. Familiarity with the geographical location, knowledge of local policies and procedures, relationships with opponents and allies, and an understanding of the ‘local legal culture’ mean that face-to-face advisers are often able to conduct their legal casework more effectively. Conversely, local knowledge is unlikely to be available to Community Legal Advice telephone advisers. This research suggests that, in addition, telephone-only advisers may be developing a more narrow understanding of the essential qualities of casework. These findings are particularly significant in view of the likely future expansion of remote methods of delivery in legal aid work.  相似文献   
29.
Abstract

This article examines how the decentralisation and fragmentation of the Indonesian state and resultant central–local dynamics affect cross-border regionalism in Indonesia’s periphery. It argues that cross-border regionalism projects are best understood as sites for scalar contestation over regulatory control between central and local government. Moreover, scalar contestation around cross-border regional projects is characterised by the struggles to control relationships with transnational capital between elites operating at different tiers of the state. When elites at different scales have conflicting interests and strategies, this can cause policy incoherence, inhibiting the development of cross-border regionalism. Conversely, when they align, and intersect with the interests of transnational business, cross-border regionalism can succeed. To illustrate the argument, this article utilises the comparative case studies of the Batam free trade zone and West Kalimantan–Sarawak cross-border cooperation.  相似文献   
30.
Both principal Turkish political parties make extensive use of patron–client networks, but in very different ways. The CHP relies on competing local brokers and synchronous vote buying. The AKP is at the centre of a network of public and private funding turning social policy to clientelist ends. Socially anchored AKP activists link the party to voters, allowing it to target social assistance for political advantage and take credit for improvement in local conditions. The case presented in this paper provides a natural experiment suggesting that this distinction is an important explanation for the AKP’s electoral success in low-income urban areas.  相似文献   
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