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31.
This article explores political trust, delving into its subcomponents and the relationship between them. It is interested in explaining why governmental trust and trust in regulative state institutions are similar in some countries and different in others. It argues that the variation can best be explained by checks on the executive. This is the case because the more restricted the executive, the less regulative state institutions are affected by the fluctuations in governmental trust. When the government cannot encroach upon state institutions, the impartiality and efficacy of regulative institutions are maintained. The less governmental interference to regulative state institutions, the more such institutions will be devoted to the public rather than partisan interests, resulting in a wider gap between state and government trust. The argument is tested through an empirical analysis of a cross-national panel data based on all existing waves of the World Values Survey. 相似文献
32.
Angela Smith 《社会征候学》2018,28(3):315-329
This article explores recent developments in masculinity, focusing on the sexualisation of fatherhood in Anglophone media. As it becomes socially acceptable for men to engage with “hands-on” fatherhood roles that had previously been primarily associated with motherhood, the appeal lies not just in this shift in gendered performance, but the representation of this as an opportunity for men to reveal a desirably body image. Where previously the hands-on fatherhood role had been glossed as “nappy changing duties,” this more recent development focuses on men’s bodies and in particular the act of carrying a young child which affords the chance for biceps to be flexed in juxtaposition with the gentle act of holding a child. Colloquially, this has led to the emergence of the “DILF,” particularly on social media where sites are devoted to photos of such men. 相似文献
33.
Michael Lovelock 《Journal of Gender Studies》2017,26(6):675-687
A conception of transgender identity as an ‘authentic’ gendered core ‘trapped’ within a mismatched corporeality, and made tangible through corporeal transformations, has attained unprecedented legibility in contemporary Anglo-American media. Whilst pop-cultural articulations of this discourse have received some scholarly attention, the question of why this ‘wrong body’ paradigm has solidified as the normative explanation for gender transition within the popular media remains underexplored. This paper argues that this discourse has attained cultural pre-eminence through its convergence with a broader media and commercial zeitgeist, in which corporeal alteration and maintenance are perceived as means of accessing one’s ‘authentic’ self. I analyse the media representations of two transgender celebrities: Caitlyn Jenner and Nadia Almada, alongside the reality TV show TRANSform Me, exploring how these women’s gender transitions have been discursively aligned with a cultural imperative for all women, cisgender or trans, to display their authentic femininity through bodily work. This demonstrates how established tropes of authenticity-via-bodily transformation, have enabled transgender to become culturally legible through the wrong body trope. Problematically, I argue, this process has worked to demarcate ideals of ‘acceptable’ transgender subjectivity: self-sufficient, normatively feminine, and eager to embrace the possibilities for happiness and social integration provided by the commercial domain. 相似文献
34.
Irmela Hijiya-Kirschnereit 《Japan Forum》2018,30(1):42-59
AbstractFrom his earliest works, Kawabata, known as an explicit aestheticist, deals in his works with flawed and disabled bodies in contrast to beautiful ones, evoking feelings of revulsion, awkwardness, disgust and premonitions of decay and death. The dynamism created out of these tensions and ruptures in the aestheticized world is scrutizined as hidden counter-aesthetics through questions such as: Which kinds of impairments are to be observed? Can they be classified according to grades? Are there gender specificities? How are these tensions and ruptures organized, and which categories (semantic, biological, political, moral) are concerned? Which narratorial and other functions are served through the counter-image of the flawed (impaired) body? And finally, how do the findings from these investigations into the flipside, the ‘Other’ of Kawabata's aesthetic universe, contribute to complementary or alternative ways of reading and understanding his literature? In a final section, Kawabata's treatment of female bodies as a site of experimenting with extreme situations of passivity and agency is highlighted, challenging more conventional readings of this and other works. The works discussed are from a deliberately broad chronological and generic range, including canonical and popular works. They range from the newspaper novels ‘Utsukushii!’ (1927) and ‘Maihime’ (1950/1), the novel ‘Senbazuru’ (1952) to the stories and palm-of-the-hand stories ‘Ningen no ashioto’ (1925),’Izu no odoriko’ (1926), ‘Mekura to shōjo’ (1928), ‘Utsukushiki haka’ (1929) ‘Hokuro no tegami’ (1940), ‘Sasabune’ (1950), and, in the final section, ‘Kataude’ (1963/4) and ‘Nemureru bijo’ (1960/1). 相似文献
35.
潘泰萍 《中国劳动关系学院学报》2016,(1):65-70
辽宁省各级工会不断努力探索,构建工会创新工作新棋式,包括基层工会活力建设“3+×”工作模式
区域性与行业性叠加式工资集体协商模式、普遍推行基层工会主席直接民主选举模式。这些创新模式中的很多探索性
做法,比如设立自选项目、以职工满意度为标准、提高规范化程度以及建设量化评估体系等,都取得了很好的成效,
为全国工会创新工作的开展积累了大量经验。但工会创新工作的进一步推进还面临着诸如制度落地困难、代表性组织
缺失、劳动关系主体双方认识不够和相关制度衔接等制约性因素。对辽宁省工会创新工作模式的经验和制约性因素的
解析能够给全国工会创新工作的开展以启示。 相似文献
36.
This paper examines the power to prorogue (or suspend) Parliament following the 2019 prorogation controversy in the UK. We outline the legal basis of prerogative-based prorogation, survey its uses in the UK and other Westminster systems, and compare it with equivalent rules in other European parliamentary democracies. The comparative perspective highlights the outlier status of the UK among comparable European democracies. In the UK, the absence of explicit legal limits on the use of prorogation gives the executive exceptional scope to employ the power for political purposes to sidestep Parliament. We conclude by discussing the implications of these findings for current discussions about the desirability of reforming the UK’s prorogation rules and placing express legal limits on the executive’s power. 相似文献
37.
高校学生会是大学生的自治性组织,受学校党委的领导和团委的指导,不具有民事主体资格,不具有民事权利能力和民事行为能力。高校学生会在运行中存在法律主体身份不明确、责任承担等问题,故应加强对高校学生会成员的法律教育和管理,规范高校学生会的运行。 相似文献
38.
人民政协作为专门协商机构是新时代党和人民赋予人民政协的新方位新使命.基于专门协商机构的制度定位,人民政协协商作为一种全职全程的常态化协商形式,在整个社会主义协商民主体系中占有重要地位,独具特色和优势.人民政协一切工作都基于协商民主而展开,是一种超越自身范围的资政协商,较之于其他的协商形式和渠道,人民政协协商组织性最强、制度化最高、协商主体最为专业.总之,人民政协作为专门协商机构,具有无与伦比的时代意蕴和独特优势,能够有效地将协商民主的制度优势转化为国家治理的效能. 相似文献
39.
中国公司法之构造缺陷及克服 总被引:12,自引:0,他引:12
作者认为 ,中国公司法在实践中存在以下缺陷 :有限公司与股份公司的组织机构之间区别模糊、国有独资公司定位不当、股份公司之董事会缺少有效约束、监事会的监督职能虚拟化以及对关联公司以及公司集团的约束不力。为更好地发挥公司在市场经济中的作用 ,实有改革有限公司制度以及重新塑造股份公司之董事会与监事会关系的必要。此外 ,还应当增加对关联公司与公司集团的法律规定。 相似文献
40.
俞云峰 《中共桂林市委党校学报》2008,8(1):60-63
弗里德曼以经济学家的视角观察并积极倡导美国教育体制的改革,提出了教育券计划,成为全球教育券实践改革的思想源泉。正确分析、评判弗里德曼教育券思想的主要观点与思想内涵,对于发展我国的教育事业具有一定的现实意义 。 相似文献