Partisan Media and Engagement: A Field Experiment in a Newly Liberalized System

How does media exposure affect political engagement in newly liberalized systems? Some celebrate newly vibrant and diverse media, believing that they mobilize citizens. Others worry that these outlets, which are often partisan, dampen engagement. We theorize that exposure to political programming engenders interest in politics irrespective of program bias, but that interest does not necessarily beget action. Partisan media affect participation only when altering attitude strength, and thus motivations. To evaluate media effects on interest and participation, we conducted a field experiment in Ghana, in which subjects in tro-tros (commuter vans) were randomly exposed to different types of live talk radio. We find that partisan and nonpartisan media increased political interest, but not participation. Instead, exposure to alternate perspectives on cross-cutting media (i.e., those biased against subjects’ partisan preferences) heightened ambivalence and dampened participation, measured as signing a petition to parties. Partisan media simultaneously increased interest and decreased participation.     

基于电子产品消费的当代中国消费主义文化初探

随着经济全球化的深入和市场经济的建立,中国已经迈入消费主义时代。西方消费文化的扩张对中国社会传统的消费观念造成了强烈的影响和冲击,消费文化已经逐步取代传统文化而成为社会的主流意识形态。随着信息时代的到来,电子产品的消费在当前中国消费格局中占据越来越重要的地位。基于电子产品的特点,它从符号化过程、时尚制造和传媒互动等方面凝聚了消费主义文化的内涵。     

论政府社会管理的理论依据与机制创新——基于新兴媒体时代的视角分析

马克思主义空间理论为我们理解新兴媒体所构成社会空间的本质，探索政府社会管理实践机制提供了理论依据。针对新兴媒体构建的新型文化空间，要求政府创新社会管理运作机制，提高政府的空间引导能力与空间传播能力。针对新兴媒体构筑的新型交往空间，要求政府创新社会管理调控机制，提高政府的空间执政能力与空间对话能力。针对新兴媒体构造的新型政治空间，要求政府创新社会管理动力机制，提升政府空间引导能力和空间驾驭能力。     

GDNF对多巴胺能神经元的保护及治疗MA依赖研究进展

甲基苯丙胺(MA)的毒性作用与多巴胺系统有密切关系,而大量研究表明胶质细胞源性神经营养因子(GDNF)是一种有效的多巴胺能神经营养因子,本文综述GDNF对多巴胺能神经元保护功能机制及用于治疗MA依赖的研究进展,以期为相关研究和应用提供参考。     

深入实施西部大开发战略背景下重点产业的选择——以贵阳为例

在产业发展过程中，政府在经济发展的不同阶段都会制定与产业相关的各种政策鼓励重点产业的发展。政府选择重点产业动因是重点产业能支撑经济快速发展，能引导产业结构的调整，能发挥区域比较优势，能代表产业发展方向。结合国家深入实施西部大开发战略背景，选取7个指标基于SPSS对重点产业发展的比较优势进行实证分析。以贵阳市为例，指出重点产业选择的基本方向并提出相应的政策建议。     

新媒体环境下大学生爱国主义教育创新研究

新媒体技术的发展,为当代大学生提供各样文化知识便利的同时,也给新形势下大学生爱国主义教育的开展带来了巨大的挑战。客观审视与分析新媒体的主要特征和认真梳理新媒体环境对大学生爱国主义教育所产生的影响,扩大有利因素,剔除有害因素,充分运用新媒体创造性的开拓创新大学生爱国主义教育的新型阵地、不断深化对大学生爱国主义教育的认识和引导、建立健全媒体信息管控、加强当代大学生的爱国主义自我教育监督是当前新媒体形势下大学生爱国主义教育急需解决的问题。     

Did Jamie Oliver Really Put School Dinners on the Agenda? An Examination of the Role of the Media in Policy Making

Healthy eating is high on the government's agenda in current times and to all intents and purposes the media appears to have played a crucial role in putting it there. While media focus is no doubt intense and playing a vital role in public education (take Jamie Oliver's 2005 Channel 4 documentary, ‘School dinners’, for example), the question that lies at the heart of this article, is whether the media has led the government agenda on healthy eating and school dinners as appears to be the case. A close examination of the evidence suggests otherwise: government policy was already well set before the media began to show a concerted interest and hence its influence on policy‐making is more limited than might be expected. Rather than setting agendas per se, the media's role has been to refine and energise existing policy areas and to facilitate implementation.     

All the labor problems fit to print: the New York Times and the cultural production of the U.S ‘labor problem’, 1870–1932

The period that spanned the Gilded Age to the onset of the Great Depression saw the rise and relative decline of the US labor movement. The salient events of labor movements over these years undoubtedly shaped public perception about labor issues, and some scholars have been attempting to unpack the mechanisms through which depictions and characterizations of the ‘labor problem’ were produced in authoritative venues that could have shaped the future of the movement. This study goes beyond the standard practice of explaining news report volume to feature the political valance of the reports on the labor problem over a 63-year time period. The aforementioned period also saw significant changes in news reporting practices, with the rise of objective informational writing and the embrace of journalism as a profession. The change within journalism itself could potentially shape the depiction of the labor problem, yet such change has been overlooked by existing literature pertaining to the topic. This research makes a theoretical case for integrating social processes central to the labor movement and journalism from 1870 to 1932 and explains patterns in the cultural production of the labor problem in the New York Times by analyzing these two tracks of history in conjunction using both qualitative and quantitative data.     

Real and unreal masculinities: the celebrity image in anti-trafficking campaigns

Numerous scholars note the highly gendered nature of anti-trafficking responses. Much of the literature exploring anti-trafficking campaigns, however, focuses on the objectification of women and their placement as abject bodies, objects of violence, in pain and to be pitied. Nevertheless, few scholars explore how these campaigns portray men and shape masculinities. Using as example a highly publicised online anti-trafficking campaign, ‘Real Men Don't Buy Girls’, this article responds to this gap in the literature by exploring depictions of masculinities through this prominent anti-trafficking public service announcement. The article observes that this announcement serves not to reshape gender performance around trafficking, but instead further reproduces existing gender structures and power relations underpinning trafficking and child exploitation. It observes that the campaign re-instantiates hegemonic masculinities – framing men enacting this masculine form as ‘real men’ – while encouraging men to embody a virile, successful, consumerist, controlling, and patriarchal manliness. We observe that these characteristics are notably assigned to celebrity men. Meanwhile, it is noted that men who buy girls are set in binary opposition to these real men, being shaped as faceless, un-described, deviant, and ‘unreal’. The result is that the campaign not only patterns masculinities, but also objectifies the objectifier as well as women, recreating a gender ordering in which women and girls remain disempowered, and buyers of girls are ultimately denied subjecthood and thus the ability to change. This article, therefore, uses this one case study to call for anti-traffickers, researchers, and scholars to urgently consider, research, and reshape portrayals of masculinities in anti-trafficking literatures. It calls for greater diversity and fuller account for a broader spectrum of gender representations in the visual representations of those involved in, and responding to, human and child trafficking, in both our scholarly work and public action.     

破解疏忽大意过失罪过性的两难之题

对当前流行于世的各种说明疏忽大意过失罪过性的见解进行认真的推敲,充分表明在传统罪过理论的语境中,疏忽大意过失的罪过性实在是一个两难之题.立足于疏忽大意过失是有意识的前提,通过分析其罪过性不在认识因素和意志因素,最终得出,情感因素是疏忽大意过失心理中唯一值得谴责的心理因素.