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961.
Lizzie Seal 《Contemporary Justice Review》2013,16(2):293-303
This comment considers the mainstream, online Western news media’s reaction to the imprisonment of three members of the Russian feminist punk band, Pussy Riot, in August 2012. Of particular concern is the band’s style of feminist political protest; it argues that their case is of significance to feminist cultural criminology. Drawing on Young’s analysis of media censuring of feminist political protest as deviance, the contrasting, positive representation in this case of Pussy Riot as dissidents is explored. This positive representation can be understood with regard to Western geopolitical concerns, but also stresses the effectiveness of Pussy Riot in communicating their political message. 相似文献
962.
June Calender Potash 《Journal of Arts Management, Law & Society》2013,43(1):55-59
Within Ireland, interest in strategically supporting young people's participation in the arts has increased. Additionally, awareness of the Internet's potential for promoting engagement with the arts has grown. Addressing national directives and local needs assessments, South Dublin County Council's Arts Office initiated NOISE South Dublin (http://www.noisesouthdublin.com), an interactive Web site based on Australia Council's NOISE project (http://www.noise.net), to promote the creative development of young people in the county. This article presents the practical challenges and potential of youth arts Web-based programs for harnessing the creative engagement of youth. It concludes that the Internet is only useful if it expands online engagement offline. 相似文献
963.
The media represents one of the main sources of public information about sexual offending. However, the media sensationalises sexual crimes through its focus on exceptional cases, contributing to an inaccurate representation of the population of individuals convicted of sexual offences. The resulting negative community attitudes towards released sex offenders may create barriers to community re-entry and promote ill-informed legislation. The aim of the current study was to explore whether informative reporting of sexual offending might result in less negative public attitudes towards released sex offenders. Eighty-seven participants were presented either with an informative media portrayal of a recently released sex offender, a fear-inducing, typical portrayal or no media portrayal (control condition). We measured three components of participants' attitudes (affect, cognitive beliefs and behavioural intensions) towards sex offenders, in addition to participants' non-conscious, implicit, attitudes. The results showed that the informative media portrayal significantly influenced the cognitive and behavioural components of attitudes; however, the affective component and implicit attitudes remained consistently negative. Our findings suggest that the media may play an influential role in influencing public opinion about sex offenders. The potential, and the challenges, for using media to influence public attitudes towards sex offenders are discussed. 相似文献
964.
965.
Jonathan Bishop 《International Review of Law, Computers & Technology》2013,27(3):301-318
The advancement of information and communications technology often results in early adoption, followed by concern over a digital divide, followed by mass adoption and then, inevitably, abuse and misuse of that platform. The most recent of these technologies is social networking services. The early adopters used Friendster and MySpace, and the masses now use Facebook and Twitter. The abuse of people on these platforms was called Cyberbullying in the case of the first two in the 2000s, and Internet trolling in the case of the second two in the 2010s. This paper reviews the legislation enacted in the UK parliament between 1981 and 2012 to deal with these offences, called ‘flame trolling’, for those based on transgress humour, or electronic message faults more generally. The paper presents a framework that includes a ‘Trolling Magnitude Scale’ based on established trolling culture, in order to link the legislative offences to the severities of those faults, as well as to the ability of specific Internet users to tolerate them or otherwise. The paper concludes that by using this framework law enforcement agencies such as the police can apply the laws more fairly and proportionally to protect free speech and at the same time be tough on the causes of electronic message faults in the form of Internet abuse and data misuse. 相似文献
966.
Youth activism in the last decade has become increasingly associated with new media technologies. The “Arab Spring”, it can be argued, prompted much interest among academics, policymakers and others on the intersection between youth, activism and social media. Although oftentimes seen as threats to authoritarian states, youths have become agents of change in the eyes of international foreign policy developers who claim to be keen on progressive and inclusive governance. This paper reflects on the role of social media in the recent (2011–2013) activism of Sudanese youth, who have taken centre stage at demonstrations calling for regime change, and adopting mechanisms similar to their counterparts in the Middle East/North Africa. While political forms of activism may have been more prominent in the Arab Spring, this paper argues that social media plays a key role in both political and community engagements of contemporary urban Sudanese youth, perhaps pointing to future possibilities. 相似文献
967.
《Revista mexicana de ciencias políticas y sociales》2013,58(219):45-73
This paper assesses the performance of Mexican electoral authorities during the 2012 presidential campaigns concerning citizens’ right of information. By means of a theoretical review of the concepts of freedom of speech and right of information a case is made for the necessary complementarity and interdependence of both concepts. The paper explores the approach that electoral authorities adopted on three different spheres, namely, the “suggested guidelines” that were submitted to radio and television agencies for the coverage of electoral campaigns; the monitoring of campaigns coverage by radio and TV news broadcasts; and the organization and promotion of electoral debates among Mexico’s presidential candidates. This review reveals a considerable clash between theory and the ife’s and tepjf’s practices. The paper closes with some general remarks on freedom of speech and the role of electoral bodies in Mexican politics, as well as with a proposal of various reforms that could reinforce freedom of speech and the right of information in the coming electoral campaigns. 相似文献
968.
Alma Rosa Alva de la Selva 《Revista mexicana de ciencias políticas y sociales》2013,58(217):215-221
Based on the recognition of the importance of the commonly referred to as factual powers in Mexico’s political life, and specifically in the media power, the author calls upon our attention the insufficient analysis and research on the subject and underscores the need to overcome this deficit by systematically and rigorously approaching it as a subject of inquiry and as part of a research agenda. This article brings to the fore the basic points of such an agenda and proposes a multidisciplinary analytical approach to develop it. The author argues that the studies’ findings can be applied to constructing limits for the exercise of media power, which are indispensable for national democratic development. 相似文献
969.
Israel Tonatiuh Lay Arellano 《Revista mexicana de ciencias políticas y sociales》2013,58(217):253-268
The concept of factual powers has been increasingly incorporated into the sphere of Latin American politics to refer to actors that exert large influence in diverse sectors of social life. In Mexico, this term is used to refer to Televisa and its allies as part of the debate regarding the so-called “media legislation” that took place between November of 2005 and March of 2006. Moreover, the academic and theoretical discussion has not achieved a conceptual maturity. This article aims to review the antecedents and development of factual powers and their differentiation from other actors or groups that also exercise influence. It discusses as well the power they currently wield in the electronic media, the State and democracy. 相似文献
970.
JOSEPH S. SZYLIOWICZ 《冲突和恐怖主义研究》2013,36(1):47-63
This article analyzes the state of aviation security, beginning with the characteristics of the air transportation system that complicate the achievement of a high level of security. It analyzes the situation that existed prior to 9/11 and then evaluates the changes that have occurred since. It concludes that no overall systematic program has yet been put in place to deal with the threats that terrorism poses to the various elements of aviation. It also argues that aviation security, indeed homeland security, requires incorporating antiterrorism into foreign policy and ongoing attempts to deal with the underlying factors that promote terrorism.‐ 相似文献