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861.
王玉成 《广西政法管理干部学院学报》2008,23(4):58-61
文章详细阐释各国有关控制股东违背诚信义务损害其他股东权益的各种防范、救济措施及我国相关法律规范之现状,通过论述提出为完善对控制股东违背诚信义务损害其他股东权益的防范与救济,我国《公司法》需在总则中明确规定控制股东诚信义务,增加限定股东会召开的最低表决权数规定、完善控制股东表决权排除制度与股东诉讼制度。 相似文献
862.
传统和合文化背景下的表达权 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
易顶强 《广西政法管理干部学院学报》2008,23(5):3-6
对中国传统和合文化的开新与挖掘,吸收其积极思想,对现代公民行使表达权具有重要的指导意义。传统和合文化包括“以和为贵”、“和而不同”以及“中庸之道”等重要内容。和合文化作为我国公民行使表达权的特有文化背景,不仅有利于实现对多元化利益表达的包容。同时,还有利于对个性化利益表达的支持,以及对冲动性利益表达的抑制。 相似文献
863.
李俊 《广西政法管理干部学院学报》2008,23(6):19-23,46
物权法草案对不同主体的物权平等保护是不是违宪是一个争议不断的问题,虽然最终通过的物权法肯认了物权法草案的精神,但是从宪法学理上解释是否违宪至关重要。直面“物权法问题”,我们会发现其与多年前的“良性违宪之争”面临的是同一宪法困惑,而宪法变迁理论能为我们讨论这个问题提供新的视角。 相似文献
864.
阳庚德 《广西政法管理干部学院学报》2008,23(6):95-102
我国侵权法草案规定侵权人不明的高空抛物致人损害,由“不能证明自己没有过错的建筑物使用人”连带承担全部赔偿责任。这实质上是对建筑物区分所有权人设定了一种对其在住宅内的行为随时举证证明的义务。这种对建筑物区分所有权人自由权利的限制和负担,无法解释和证成其正当性。建筑物区分所有权人实施的抛物行为是其承担侵权责任的根据,侵权行为人不明,受害人就无法按照侵权法获得赔偿。区分所有权人相互之间的监督义务和协助查找义务以及作证义务,乃公法上的义务;以此为根据要求其对受害人承担连带侵权责任,违反了法律关系理论的基本原理。要求建筑物区分所有权人证明没有实施抛物行为,违背了未发生的事实无法证明的证据法原理。推定所有可能实施侵权行为的人实际实施了侵权行为,违背了违法行为不能推定的侵权法原理。所以该条应该删除。 相似文献
865.
Sergey Sevastyanov 《East Asia》2008,25(1):35-55
The article examines Russia’s New Energy Policy (NEP) and its impact on Northeast Asian security and the development of the
Russian Far East. In contrast to analyses highlighting competition between China and Japan for Russian resources, to the contrary
it is argued here that greater cooperation among consumer states in Northeast Asia would be beneficial for Russia. Although
the NEP has resulted in changes in the composition of foreign investors in Russian energy projects, the author suggests that
Moscow is interested in multinational cooperation in the energy sector because it would help diversify the regional energy
market and contribute to the development of the Russian Far East and eastern Siberia.
Sergey Sevastyanov is a Professor of Political Science at the Department of International Economics, and a Director of the International Studies Centre of the Vladivostok State University of Economics and Service (VSUES), Vladivostok, Russia. From 2003 till 2006 he served as VSUES Vice-President for International Programs. By training he is specialized on international relations. His research interests include East Asia’s regionalism focusing on multilateral cooperation models in economics and security. At VSUES he teaches a study course on International Organizations for Economic and Security Cooperation. From August 2006 till May 2007 he was a Fulbright Professor teaching International Relations at the University of Louisville, Kentucky, USA. He holds a Ph.D in Political Science from the Moscow State Institute of International Relations (MGIMO-University), Moscow, RF. 相似文献
Sergey SevastyanovEmail: |
Sergey Sevastyanov is a Professor of Political Science at the Department of International Economics, and a Director of the International Studies Centre of the Vladivostok State University of Economics and Service (VSUES), Vladivostok, Russia. From 2003 till 2006 he served as VSUES Vice-President for International Programs. By training he is specialized on international relations. His research interests include East Asia’s regionalism focusing on multilateral cooperation models in economics and security. At VSUES he teaches a study course on International Organizations for Economic and Security Cooperation. From August 2006 till May 2007 he was a Fulbright Professor teaching International Relations at the University of Louisville, Kentucky, USA. He holds a Ph.D in Political Science from the Moscow State Institute of International Relations (MGIMO-University), Moscow, RF. 相似文献
866.
姜风雷 《北京市工会干部学院学报》2008,23(3)
工会发展的模式大体上可以概括为四种:工团主义工会,革命性工会,生产辅助型工会和中国特色的社会主义工会。每种模式都嵌入特定的社会制度并且反映其存在的时代背景。中国特色社会主义工会也是依据中国现阶段的基本国情而形成的,既有工会的共性,又有其独特的内涵。 相似文献
867.
近年来,从小泉、安倍、再到福田,日本政府都非常重视构成两国关系之潜流的精神和价值理念领域。特别是前首相福田转变了小泉和安倍的"价值本位"外交方向,并从"回归古典"着手,力图通过重构中日两国的精神、价值大厦,使中日关系不仅仅是一种利益、利害关系的存在,而是建立在双方共同理解、追求并能够互相接受的价值阈值的基础之上。这样,中日关系才可能从根本上克服其脆弱性的一面,从而走得更远。而中日两国在第四个政治文件中就此所达成的共识,即为实现这一目标的"新向度"。无疑这是前首相福田对中外交的重要遗产。 相似文献
868.
RICHARD KELLY 《The Political quarterly》2008,79(2):260-268
Since it came to power, New Labour has introduced a range of new electoral system into the British political system, implicitly accepting the argument that Britain's traditional electoral system - first-past-the-post (FPTP) - has been a cause of voter disenchantment with Britain's representative democracy. In this article, it is asserted that Labour's reforms have merely compounded this problem, while demonstrating that all electoral systems have significant flaws. Indeed, it is argued that the flaws of the new systems are more serious than those of FPTP and threaten an even greater disconnection between UK politicians and the people they represent." 相似文献
869.
PATRICIA WHITE 《The Political quarterly》2008,79(2):221-231
This paper examines the citizenship test which is part of the UK naturalisation process. The test is based on the government publication Life in the United Kingdom: A Journey to Citizenship. A detailed analysis of its two editions (2004 and 2007) reveals that the conception of the citizen, and the picture of British government and society underlying each are very different. There is, additionally, a mismatch between the rationale offered for the Life in the United Kingdom test and what the latter can in fact test: the attitudes and civic virtues mentioned in the rationale are untestable on-line. A society which aspires to be a democracy, it is argued, needs to scrutinise carefully the fairness and democratic appropriateness of its procedures for admitting new citizens. 相似文献
870.
VARUN UBEROI 《The Political quarterly》2008,79(3):404-417
‘Policies of multiculturalism are often criticised for undermining national identities in one of three ways and in this article I suggest why this is questionable and then point to a more plausible relationship between the two. More specifically, I offer a hypothesis which is that policies of multiculturalism change national identities and I argue that this hypothesis is both theoretically plausible and empirically plausible in at least one instance. This argument is made in three stages and in the first of them I explain what I think policies of multiculturalism and national identities are. In the second stage I present my hypothesis and explain why it is theoretically plausible. In the third stage I use new evidence to suggest why my hypothesis is also empirically plausible in at least one instance. In the final stage I show why a sceptic who might doubt whether my hypothesis is plausible in other instances need not do so.’ 相似文献