Why do South-east Asian states choose to suppress opium? A cross-case comparison

Abstract

This paper compares the reasons given by three South-east Asian states (Laos, Thailand and Vietnam) for choosing to suppress opium production. While external pressure, often from the US or United Nations (UN)/League of Nations, is the most commonly identified reason in the literature, and was experienced in each case, it was not by itself sufficient to motivate states into action. All three cases were motivated by religious or ideological opposition to drug consumption or trade, rural development, state extension and concern for increasing domestic drug consumption. Apprehension about rising drug consumption often possessed racial or chauvinistic elements. The development of export commodities, environmental protection and national security were also identified in one or two cases. The paper concludes by hypothesising that economic and/or security considerations underlie all choices to suppress illicit drug crops.     

Qatar’s humanitarian aid to Palestine

The purpose of this paper is to document Qatar’s recent contribution of humanitarian aid to the Palestinians. We consider Qatar as an example of a mini state that relies on its wealth and soft power to further its interests in the Middle East and support a beleaguered Arab-Muslim state. The paper carries out analysis of Arabic newspapers and other documentary evidence to contextualise and estimate Qatar’s financial contribution 2010–2016. Contextualising Qatar’s aid necessitates considering Israel’s military control of the Palestinian Territories, and its ability through hard power to regulate the inflow of aid to Palestine. The paper concludes by calling for adopting the political economy perspective in dealing with humanitarian aid.     

“男权王国的叛逆者”——为英国妇女选举权而战的男性知识分子

本文着重考察男性女权主义知识分子对英国妇女选举权运动所起到的推动作用。男性女权主义先锋,顶住重重压力,"背叛"了男权王国。他们成为妇女选举权运动的发起人与推动者,并为之做出巨大贡献。从19世纪上半叶至20世纪初,男性妇女参政论者支持妇女选举权运动的活动经历了由分散到集中,由"宪政"至"战斗"的历程,其指导思想也由自由主义转向社会主义。1928年英国妇女最终获得平等选举权,这一辉煌成果中包含着几代男性妇女参政论者的不懈努力。     

对当前我国高校安全保卫工作的研究

高校安全保卫工作对维护高校稳定和安全、保证高校正常教育教学和科研秩序具有重要作用,是一项政策性强而工作难度大的工作。在新的历史条件下,高等院校应紧跟时代发展和形势变化,大胆创新、开拓进取,积极研究高校安全保卫工作的特点和规律,为进一步加强高校安全保卫工作提供理论依据。     

思想政治教育文本的风格初探

思想政治教育文本作为思想政治教育的基础之“源”,为整个思想政治教育实践活动提供了理论之基。思想政治教育文本具有着不同于其他学科文本的风格,如载体的多样性、内容的意识形态性、价值的实践性、目标的明确性。研究思想政治教育文本的风格,对于有效开展思想政治教育工作,发挥文本在思想政治教育中的作用,增强思想政治教育活动的实效性,拓展思想政治教育新的研究领域,开辟新的研究视角,都有着积极的理论意义和现实意义。     

青年创业研究综述

就业体制改革以来,中国关于青年创业的研究经历了三个发展阶段,在八个方面取得了一系列结论。但目前的研究在研究角度、研究内容、研究理论、研究的学科分布等方面还存在不足。面对日益严重的就业压力,今后的研究应重视和加强对青年网络创业、NGO对青年创业的辅助和创业文化等方面的探讨。     

群体性事件处置中“慎用警力”原则研究

在处置群体性事件中,必须讲究政策、讲究策略、讲究方法,坚持“三个慎用”原则。其中,“慎用警力”原则主要适用于非警务活动。非警务活动是公安部的通知通告中出现的非正式用语。当前,我国一些地方公安机关非警务活动所占时间比例已经超越了正常的警务工作时间。应当严禁公安机关违反规定从事非警务活动。进一步规范各类非警务活动。非警务活动的形成渊源有两个：服务型警务和地方政府利益。“镇用警力”原则的具体表现为合理用警、规范用警。     

浅谈公安院校学报工作现代化

公安院校学报工作现代化是市场经济发展的需要,是社会信息化的大势所趋。现代化的管理意识和现代化的编辑理念是实现学报工作现代化的前提条件。现阶段公安院校学报工作的现代化建设,应以构建现代化的信息收集、存贮、应用系统,现代化的编辑、校对、排版系统,现代化的学报工作管理系统,现代化的学报传播系统为基本目标。     

对劳动者实现体面劳动的再认识

在经济全球化背景下,随着新生代农民工队伍的不断壮大,我国的劳动关系状况也在发生新变化,特别是广大劳动者的劳动就业、劳动收入、劳动条件、劳动保障、生存环境和生活质量等方面存在一些新情况、新问题,出现了一些与体面劳动相悖的现象,损害了劳动者的合法权益,影响到社会稳定和社会的和谐发展。让广大劳动者实现体面劳动,工会组织责无旁贷,任重道远。     

Transcending Thatcherism? Ideology and the Conservative Party Leadership Mandate of David Cameron

This paper examines the voting motivations of Conservative parliamentarians in the final parliamentary ballot of the Conservative Party leadership election of 2005. By constructing a data set of the voting behaviour of Conservative parliamentarians in the final parliamentary party ballot, and by determining the ideological disposition of the 2005 PCP this paper examines the ideological disposition of the candidates' vis-à-vis their electorate. The paper identifies the increasing Thatcherite nature of the PCP across three dominant ideological divides of contemporary British Conservatism-economic, European, and social, sexual and moral policy. Through such an analysis the paper demonstrates how the modernising David Cameron, who came first in the final parliamentary ballot and then won the membership ballot, transcended the traditional ideological voting motivations of candidates' vis-à-vis their electorate. Most significantly, the paper demonstrates that the European ideological policy divide was not a factor in the succession contest, unlike the succession contests of 1990, 1997 and 2001.