汉初三阶段:治、富、教

汉初六十多年可以大体分为三个阶段:刘邦夺取政权以后,采取一系列措施巩固政权。社会稳定以后,到文帝、景帝,发展生产,节约开支,社会达到极其富裕的程度。但富裕以后,汉初社会文明程度较差,暴露出许多问题,因此发展教育、提高文明程度,就成为社会的迫切问题。汉武帝立五经博士,大办学校,发展文化教育,独尊儒术,实现了物质与精神双富裕的盛世。     

从语气角度看英语政治演讲中人际功能的实现

目前,英语政治演讲在国内和国际事务中起着举足轻重的地位,而演讲语言也日益成为人们研究的重点。以韩礼德的语言三大元功能之一的人际功能为理论框架,从自建演讲语篇语料库中抽样选出20篇英语政治演讲为研究样本,从语气系统角度,根据演讲者所充当的提供信息和要求行动的言语角色,探究英语政治演讲中人际功能实现的语言学特点,从而提高英语演讲和英语交际能力。     

The political economy of regulatory change: The case of British merger control

This article aims to explain the broader evolution of British merger control. To this end it outlines a novel critical political economy perspective on regulation and regulatory change which differs from established political economy approaches, such as the regulatory capitalism/state perspectives, in three main ways: it places regulatory ideas at the heart of the analysis, it differentiates between different degrees of regulatory change, and it links regulatory change in delineated issue areas with changing power balances between fractions of capital and labor. The application of this perspective to the analysis of the evolution of British merger control provides some important new insights, most notably that the content, form, and scope of merger control in Britain have been deeply transformed in accordance with neoliberal ideas since the 1980s and that this process, which was part of a broader regulatory and ideational shift, was premised on the ascendancy of transnational capital.     

我国物权法定原则缓和可能性之考察

在物权法文本中,存在着诸多与物权法定原则的要求相冲突的缺口和裂缝,从而为物权法定原则的缓和的可能性留下了空间。中国语境中的物权法定原则具有很强的政治原则面貌,政治决策的灵活性和多变性增加了物权法定原则缓和的可能性。而通过对物权法定原则的维护交易安全功能的解读,可以限缩其适用范围。《物权法》第117条关于用益物权的抽象规定对于缓和物权法定原则有着积极的意义。     

高校党建对大学生思想政治教育作用探析

高校党建是大学生思想政治教育的重要组成部分,充分发挥党建在思想政治教育中的作用,以推进高校党建和大学生思想政治教育。     

基于项目导向的高职社会工作专业实践教学探索——以北京政法职业学院社会工作专业为例

实践教学对于高职社会工作专业具有特别重要的意义。本文以北京政法职业学院社会工作专业为例,从课程实训项目、专业实习项目、社会服务项目三个方面入手,对学校、政府、行业深度合作的"社团+项目+基地"的实践教学模式进行了初步的探讨。     

女性人才参政现状与问题改进探讨——基于人力资源开发学的思考

女性参政是提高妇女地位的一个重要方面,也是女性人才开发的重要途径,更是衡量一个国家社会发展和文明进步的重要标志之一。我国女性参政的发展已取得了一定的成绩,但女性参政、女性人才开发仍受到性别、政策歧视、自身意识等因素的影响。社会需要充分认识女性参政的重要性,优化女性参政的社会环境;女性自身需要强化自主意识,增强参政的信心;家庭要对女性参政给予支持;国家需要在政策上为女性参政提供保障,加大女性教育和培训力度,健全女性领导干部培养选拔体系。     

更思政治性国际劫机犯罪的司法协作困境——以政治犯不引渡原则为切人

各国意识形态领域的差异以及特定国际事件的国家利益纠葛共同影响了对政治犯不引渡原则的适用．进一步导致了与“政治性目的”有关的国际劫机犯罪的司法协作困境重重。此类劫机事件的困境实质上是各国国家利益、世界人权事业发展与政治自由以及国际打击劫机犯罪等诸多需要的体现。而解决困境的现实方案则是：将具体的“政治性”国际劫机事件所涵括的现实国家利益纠葛作为首要的价值砝码,兼顾事件的人权保护意义与政治自由价值,并在此基础上分类处理。     

The end of a strategic opening? The BNP's window of opportunity in the 2000s and its closure in the 2010s

ABSTRACT

Notwithstanding the endemic failure of extreme-right parties in Britain, the British National Party (BNP) observed a period of electoral growth in the 2000s. After the election of several city councillors nationwide, the BNP experienced an electoral breakthrough in the national ballot of the 2009 European Parliament elections. Yet the BNP's electoral accomplishments dissipated in the early 2010s, fuelling predictions of the party's terminal decline. Within this context, Carvalho seeks to explain the fluctuations observed in the BNP's electoral base in the twentieth-first century by exploring the structure of political opportunities alongside the strategy of the BNP's leadership. Drawing on the convergence thesis and the decline of voting along class lines, he argues that the BNP benefitted from a favourable set of political opportunities in the 2000s, reflecting the decrease in political polarization among mainstream parties, the rise in levels of public distrust, and the intense politicization of the issue of immigration. Despite a general shift to cultural xenophobia, the BNP's leadership remained attached to the ideological traits of neo-fascist parties, including the search for a ‘palingenetic rebirth’ and a national corporatist economic programme. These ideological formulae had important implications for the scope of the BNP's electoral coalition, as Carvalho demonstrates in a review of the secondary literature on the roots of the BNP's electoral support. Consequently, the BNP's electoral growth in the 2000s was the outcome of an interplay between a favourable window of opportunity in British politics and the party's electoral appeal. Carvalho goes on to link the BNP's electoral collapse in the early 2010s with the closing of the aforementioned window after the onset of the financial crisis, a temporary lack of political interest in the issue of immigration, and the formation of the coalition government in 2010.     

Australia and the Baltic States, 1919–1945

Praised by international organizations, Estonia and Slovenia have long been considered among the most successful post-communist states. Estonia quickly transformed itself into one of the most liberal economies in the world, whereas Slovenia opted for a social justice-oriented market economy. Still, the roots of their success coincide in that consensus played a crucial role. We argue that the public sphere was never as repressed in Estonia and Slovenia during the communist period as it was elsewhere. Distinct national identities continued to be formed and re-formed by intellectuals during the decades of communist rule, who assumed roles as political leaders when the transition started. Consensus based on these national identities legitimized reform policies for the entire decade of the 1990s.