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991.
建立社区工作者能力量表能够填补当前社区工作者能力界定研究的不足,同时为探索我国社区工作者能力的内涵和未来提升的方向提供参考。社会工作的专业化发展和政府行政力量共同形塑了社区工作者能力的界定,构成了我国社区工作者能力发展的背景。量表的开发借助社会工作专业能力模型,分别从政策、文献和实践角度,梳理了与社区工作者相关的能力条目,在此基础上,通过探索性因子分析筛选出30个条目,共分五个维度,包括:分析判断的能力、维护关系的能力、依法治理的能力、建立项目的能力和服务群众的能力。心理测量学检验结果显示,该量表具有较为良好的信效度,可以为开展社区工作者能力内涵研究、促进社区工作者能力发展提供参考。 相似文献
992.
"两个维护",即坚决维护习近平总书记党中央的核心、全党的核心地位,坚决维护党中央权威和集中统一领导。"两个维护"不是凭空产生的,有其深刻的理论逻辑、历史逻辑和现实逻辑。从理论逻辑来看,"两个维护"是马克思主义政党理论的当代体现,是对党的民主集中制的创造性运用。从历史逻辑来看,"两个维护"是对我们党和国家正反两方面历史经验和教训的深刻总结。从现实逻辑来看,"两个维护"是加强党的政治建设的首要问题,是中华民族伟大复兴的现实需要,是推进伟大斗争的战略选择。深刻理解这三重逻辑的理论意蕴,是深刻把握"两个维护"的极端重要性、以坚决的态度和实际行动做到"两个维护"的基础和前提。 相似文献
993.
Elmira Satybaldieva 《Central Asian Survey》2018,37(2):247-264
This article explores the politics of older women in post-Soviet Kyrgyzstan, who have emerged as informal leaders in urban neighbourhoods to ‘speak for the poor’ to the state. Their mediating role is crucial for understanding community micro-politics, women’s political agency and more broadly state–society relations in the post-Soviet context. Drawing on in-depth interviews with older female informal leaders, the paper examines their political legitimacy and modes of mediation with the state and elites. Using Bourdieu’s concepts of political capital and ‘double dealings’, the paper argues that older women are important informal mediators, whose representational practices involve communal leadership, protest activism, bargaining and vote mobilization. Their multitasking roles are necessitated by their legitimation struggles and elites’ strategies of state capture. The article challenges the dominant media representation of older women activists as ‘a mob for hire’ and offers a more nuanced account of older women’s politics, addressing a blind spot in the literature on politics in Central Asia. 相似文献
994.
Liad Porat 《中东研究》2018,54(2):304-321
This article is based on the hypothesis that the Egyptian institutional media played an active role in the Egyptian ‘Arab Spring’ revolution in 2011 and analyzes how Egypt's official newspapers constructed and presented a moderate and positive image of the Muslim Brotherhood (hereinafter the Brotherhood) despite the fact that they had labeled the Brotherhood ‘the outlawed movement’ a year earlier. In order to examine whether their attitudes changed after the downfall of the Mubarak regime, a critical discourse analysis of newspaper texts has been made of the news columns written throughout 2011 of two of the most popular Egyptian newspapers – al-Ahram (n = 115) and al-Gumhuriyya (n = 94) both of which identify with the Egyptian government's official policy. In addition, an analysis made of three of the Brotherhood's publications (n = 72) (N = 281) revealed that the Brotherhood exploited the printed media not only to replace the regime but also to gain control of its narrative. Ultimately, by controlling the shaping of public opinion, the media contributed to the drawing of a parallel between the motivation that formed the basis of the mass protest and the Brotherhood's agenda. 相似文献
995.
Nana Okura Gagne 《当代亚洲杂志》2018,48(1):67-87
What have been the processes of economic restructuring occurring inside many Japanese corporations, and what neo-liberal techniques have been used on the ground since the 2000s? By placing Japanese neo-liberalism within the broader historical and socio-cultural dynamics of the ideology of “companyism” since the end of World War II, this article analyses the specific deployment of neo-liberal techniques in the Japanese workplace, and the evolving responses by both employees and management. It argues that while profit margins and efficiency were clear targets for neo-liberal reformers, the human cost of neo-liberal economising was more difficult to calculate and triggered unforeseen frictions and tensions in the workplace. As a result, corporate reforms have been mediated by the challenges emerging from various structural reforms. This article shows how both employees and management became more self-reflexive and new permutations of neo-liberal governance have emerged, highlighting both the continuities and changes in the meaning of work under the global permeation of neo-liberalism. 相似文献
996.
Henry E. Hale 《后苏联事务》2018,34(5):267-281
Why do some countries with presidentialist constitutions feature more political closure than others at a given time? A quantitative study of post-Soviet countries since independence finds that much of the observed variation in political closure reflects timing, or the particular point at which a country happens to be within a regime cycle, rather than structural or other factors usually cited to explain regime change. Specifically, how much time a president has had to coordinate rivalrous networks around his or her authority is at least as strong a predictor of the level of regime closure as are economic development, economic growth, resource rents, proximity to Europe, and key cultural factors, even when controlling for the level of closure in the preceding year. This pattern is not found among countries with divided-executive constitutions, indicating it is related to the constitution rather than a general phenomenon. 相似文献
997.
Jane-Marie Collins 《Journal of Iberian and Latin American Studies》2018,24(3):341-365
ABSTRACTIn the recent Brazilian Netflix series 3% (Aguilera 2016), international audiences were presented with an array of visual reminders about the legacy of historic human rights abuses in Brazil. With the image of the pau de arara as a point of historic and semiotic reference, this paper adopts evidence and ideas from New Capitalist History to extend the interrogation of the historical memory of torture in Brazil in particular, to the rise and predominance of coercive practices in workplace cultures in free societies in general. This interrogation demonstrates the need for paradigm shifts within Western academic disciplines. First, to re-locate historically modern slavery in political philosophy as central to conceptions of “evil,” and second to overturn the notion of discontinuity and incompatibility between slavery and capitalism. Throughout this interrogation, a short story by Machado de Assis and Lissovsky’s critique of processes of memorialisation of human rights abuses open up the possibility of revisionist thinking about technologies of power, under slavery, military rule, and democratic regimes in Brazil; an approach which suggests systematic and sustained “cultures of cruelty” past and present (Giroux). 相似文献
998.
AbstractThis article pieces together the activism of the British welfare worker and feminist-pacifist Emily Hobhouse (1860–1926) during two largely unrecorded episodes of transnational activism: firstly, her ministry of Cornish miners in Virginia, Minnesota, in the United States; and secondly, her interventions during the period of reconstruction following the South African War (1899–1902). The article endeavors to contextualize Hobhouse’s activism and offer a broader understanding of the limitations and restraints on her actions. Ultimately, her activism required a platform that was in the gift of political actors and establishment figures, and dependent on fluctuations within specific political and bureaucratic situations. Based on close inspection of undocumented material in both South African and British archives, the article investigates Hobhouse’s repertoire of missionary and philanthropic roles within a wider context of humanitarian politics. It demonstrates how women’s activism and their behind-the-scenes politicking informed political decision-making in modern imperial and international affairs. 相似文献
999.
姚晓君 《新疆警官高等专科学校学报》2021,(1):47-50
"互联网+"时代给公安群众工作带来了机遇,同时也带来了挑战。从目前来看,"互联网+"时代的公安群众工作仍需进一步优化。公安机关应利用"互联网+"服务人民群众,改进工作理念;建立健全"互联网+"时代公安群众工作机制;优化建设"互联网+"公安群众工作新平台,创新完善在线服务功能;加强公安民警队伍建设,不断提高"互联网+"公安群众工作能力;利用互联网平台加强法律宣传和公安工作宣传,让群众更好地理解公安工作。 相似文献
1000.
张丹 《北京政法职业学院学报》2021,(1):111-116
中国古典诗文体现着中华历代圣贤和文人志士的思想、智慧,蕴含着中华民族的精神品格。作为中国传统文化的精华,古诗文以其无可取代的精神力量,在提升学生语文素养的同时,发挥着独有的教化功能,实现着"立德树人"的根本任务。高职语文教学要通过对古诗文中蕴含的思政要素的深入挖掘,引导学生树立和坚持正确的民族观、国家观、文化观,实现古诗文在情感教育、道德教育和政治教育中的育人功能。 相似文献