云南建设我国通向东南亚、南亚国际大通道的主要制约因素分析

云南建设国际大通道的思路一经提出,许多专家、学者从不同角度论述了通道建设的必要性和可行性,从各方面说明了通道建设的意义和作用.实际上,云南建设我国通向东南亚、南亚国际大通道还存在许多制约因素,诸如经济增长对交通运输的需求、产业结构的变化、城市化水平、区域间的经济社会联系以及对外开放程度等.只有在分析清楚这些制约因素,并在具体实施中逐步解决相关的问题,才可能把国际大通道的建设扎扎实实地推向前进.     

论经济全球化与中国经济的发展

经济全球化趋势增强是 2 0世纪 90年代出现的世界经济新态。冷战结束是这一趋势增强的大前提 ;市场经济体制、信息技术发展和跨国公司的膨胀是其形成的基本动因 ;地区经济圈和经济竞争中的科技优势则构成了其基本特点。经济全球化既给中国经济提供了发展机遇 ,也带来了严峻挑战 ,中国应积极面对和参与经济全球化进程。     

对宗教"五性"的再认识

宗教“五性”是马克思主义宗教观与我国社会宗教实际相结合的产物 ,是马克思主义宗教理论在新的历史条件下的坚持和发展 ,是完善和正确执行党的宗教政策的基本点。我国正处于社会转型时期 ,对宗教“五性”的再认识 ,是我们进一步深化对国情的再认识。     

Bush: The Sequel

This article examines the likely foreign policy initiatives of the U.S. under the leadership of George W. Bush. The new president has outlined a fairly thorough critique of America's international behavior in the 1990s. Because a leader's public statements arguably serve to persuade various audiences and to build support for policy change, the article takes Bush's words quite seriously—along with those spoken or written by his closest foreign affairs advisors. Bush intends to abandon the so-called Clinton Doctrine and deploy national missile defenses. He is critical of American policies toward China and Russia, but has not presented bold new initiatives toward those powers. Under the rubric of "compassionate conservatism," Bush may alter U.S. relations toward the Global South in some interesting ways. The president and his advisors often purport to be realists, but the article demonstrates that their own words belie this claim as they often justify policies based on ideals rather than the pursuit of power.     

一个民族没有自尊心和自信心是立不起来的——学习邓小平关于提高民族自尊心和自信心思想的体会

提高民族自尊心和自信心具有重要的意义 ,它可以坚定中国人民走自己的路 ,使中国人民信心百倍地把自己的事情做得更好 ,坚定不移地走建设有中国特色的社会主义道路。提高民族自尊心和自信心的基本思路是 :坚持中国共产党的领导 ;坚持独立自主的方针 ;加快我国经济的发展速度 ;进行民族团结和社会稳定的教育 ;加强革命传统的教育 ;用中华民族的血泪史教育广大青少年和人民群众 ;发扬自力更生和艰苦奋斗的创业精神 ;批判资本主义制度的虚伪性 ;弘扬振兴中华的爱国主义     

论新经济组织团建工作中的创新意识

在改革开放形势下 ,新经济组织如雨后春笋般的蓬勃发展 ,新经济组织的团建工作也必须跟随形势有创新意识 :在观念上应充分认识其重要性和紧迫性 ;在组织上要适应组织的发展趋势和劳动组合方式 ;在活动内容和方式上要贴近企业 ,突出质量和效益 ;在管理机制上要灵活多样、高效创新     

经济转型升级中的和谐劳动关系构建 一基于准安市劳动关系状况调查的分析

通过准安市劳动关系状况的调查,发现其劳动关系领域存在的就业质量不高、劳动者素质有待提高、集 体劳动关系尚不成熟等问题,成为影响经济可持续发展的重要因素。为此,有必要从提高劳动者素质、推动高质量就 业、规范企业用工行为、加强工会组织建设以及完善劳动关系矛盾调处机制等方面构建和谐劳动关系,从而推动产业 结构调整,促进经济转型升级。     

The legacy of subalternity and Gramsci’s national–popular: populist discourse in the case of the Islamic Republic of Iran

Drawing on Laclau’s concept of populist discourse and Gramsci’s ‘national–popular collective will’, and using the case of Iran, this article puts forward the idea of the legacy of subalternity in the context of post-revolution governments. The concept of ‘national–popular collective will’ facilitates an understanding of how the popular subject is constructed and the meanings embedded in that process. It is argued that Islamic Republic elites articulate a populist discourse that constructs the ‘self’ (the Islamic Republic) as synonymous with ‘the people’. Embedded in this discursive construction is a legacy of subalternity that goes back to the 1979 Revolution’s populist discourse.     

National identity-building and the “Ustaša-nostalgia” in Croatia: the past that will not pass

Most scholarship on post-Communist Croatia claims that the first Croatian president, Franjo Tu?man, intentionally rehabilitated the legacy of the World War II (WWII) Croatian Usta?a and its Nazi-puppet state. The rehabilitation of the Usta?a has been linked to Tu?man’s national reconciliation politics that tended toward a particular “forgetting of the past.” The national reconciliation was conceptualized as a joint struggle of both the Croatian anti-fascist Partisan and the Croatian WWII fascist Usta?a successors to achieve Croatian independence. However, the existing scholarship does not offer a comprehensive explanation of the nexus between national reconciliation and the rehabilitation of the Usta?a. Hence, this article will present how “Usta?a-nostalgia” does not stem from Tu?man’s intentions, but rather from the morphological gap occurring in Tu?man’s nation-building idea. Namely, Tu?man’s condemnation of the entire idea of Yugoslavism and Yugoslavia eventually brought about the perception that any historical agent advocating the idea of an independent Croatia is better than any form of Croatian Yugoslavism. Finally, the article will present how contemporary Croatian society is still seeped in “Usta?a-nostalgia” due to the hesitation of the post-Tu?man Croatian politics to come to terms with the legacy of his national reconciliation politics.     

The mioritic nation – an alternative approach to Moldovan national identity

Moldova has been widely argued to be a failed nation-building project, with two national identity discourses coexisting within Moldovan society and amongst Moldovan elites: Romanianism and Moldovanism. Challenging the dominance of these discourses in the literature, this article argues that in spite of its absence from the nationalism debate in Moldova, the ballad Miori?a is a key element for the Moldovan articulation of national identity. The analysis employs a discursive approach focused on language as a constituting phenomenon and draws from Miori?a's appeal to the grass roots level, its banality in day-to-day life, and, more importantly, its promotion by Moldovan cultural elites. This latter part focuses specifically on the writings of novelist Ion Dru??. Dru?? places Miori?a at the very center of his construction of Moldovan national identity. He highlights its links with Moldovan history, culture, religious thinking, and geographical space, both reproducing a structure similar to the two national identity discourses, Romanianism and Moldovanism, and building on their similarities. But more importantly, Dru??'s representation of national identity sheds light on the possibility of an all-encompassing Moldovan identity, overcoming the existing cleavage, and a series of mechanisms that can be employed to achieve this.