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981.
CARLOS NEWLAND 《Bulletin of Latin American research》1998,17(3):409-416
Abstract — This research note analyses the evolution of the Argentine external sector between 1811 and 1870. New series of exports and terms of trade are presented. These show the vulnerability of the economy to external and internal shocks, but also the continuous growth of total exports and per capita exports along the period. 相似文献
982.
Gabriel Temkin 《Communist and Post》1998,31(4):303-328
This paper grew out of the author's Karl Marx studies and his practical knowledge of Soviet-type communist economies. It covers a broad spectrum of ideas and practices prevalent in those economies, which— rightly or wrongly—have become associated with Marx's teaching and predictions. Chapter I tries to explain the reasons for Marx's continuous popularity. Chapter II critically examines the validity of the claim about Marxian socialism being “scientific” as opposed to “utopian”. The article, especially in chapter III elaborates on a number of other Marxian ideas, like that of the so-called “anarchy of the market”, which for many decades exerted a negative influence on his followers—theoreticians and practitioners engaged in building what they believed to be a communist economy and society. One of the quintessential features of Marx's teaching, which he took over from Smith and Ricardo, was the labor theory of value and the “law of value” in particular. The latter, interpreted by Stalin as “the law of value under socialism”, was used by him for ideological and propaganda purposes, but after his death has in turn been utilized by Marxists, non-Marxists and anti-Marxists to discredit the Stalinist economic system, and to advance propositions ranking from profound, relevant and commendable to vague and frivolous. Tracing in Chapter IV the peripetia of this “law” provides a deeper insight into both the essential weaknesses of the Marxian theory and the acute dilemmas of the Soviet-type economies. 相似文献
983.
国家安全学的设立既是呼应新时代发展课题的必然要求,也是国家安全总体战略布局中的重要一环。时代赋予国家安全学现实土壤,战略赋予学科建设内在动力,交叉是学科产生的关键内核,作为战略性新兴学科的国家安全学在时代与战略的共鸣下应运而生。国家安全学在总体思维和交叉思维的指导下,在学科体系建设上提高站位、科学错位;在学术体系建设上立足国情、注重内涵;在话语体系建设上言之有理、言之有道,不断探索国家安全学的体系创新,逐渐发展出一条中国国家安全学建设的独特路径。面向未来,需要牢牢把握总体国家安全观,以探索学科基础研究范式为主线,立足学科自身的交叉属性、战略属性和政治属性,推动国家安全学自主知识体系建设与学术共同体建设,促进学科进一步高质量发展。 相似文献
984.
各国国家安全体系建设的相关经验,可以为总体国家安全观指导下的中国国家安全体系建设提供参考和借鉴。国家安全体系一般都有一些必不可少的基本构成要素,但由于各国历史文化、内外环境和发展需求等方面的差异,这些要素的演变历程、具体内容和实际作用可能大不相同。作为超级大国,美国拥有最为庞大、完备且富于自身特色的国家安全体系。这个体系主要由指导思想、法律制度和保障工具三类要素构成。其指导思想是维护全球性主导地位,并带有绝对安全倾向;决策机制既遵循一套完整的跨部门分级流程,也涉及各种非正式决策模式;法律制度与监管机制系统完备;保障工具与手段多样有力,包括超强的军事能力与联盟体系、强大的经济实力与情报体系以及广泛的社会基础。然而,作为一个在冷战中形成的"安全化国家",美国的安全目标与手段、资源之间存在持续张力;空前庞大的国家安全体系也会受到内外条件的制约,经常陷入能力捉襟见肘、行为进退失据的境地;尽管在国际体系中拥有显著的"权力优势",美国同样面临发展利益与安全利益之间的矛盾。 相似文献
985.
Masha Hedberg 《后苏联事务》2018,34(1):35-54
This article analyzes Russia’s retaliatory food embargo, explaining why the Russian government banned some imports from the West but refrained from banning a range of equally plausible others. I argue that Moscow was following a strategy of differentiated retaliation when selecting which imports to embargo. The countersanctions were not designed to mete out equal punishment on all members of the sanctioning coalition. Rather, Russia purposefully crafted the policy to inflict greater economic damage on some states than others. Utilizing an original data-set on all agricultural and food products that Russia imports, I demonstrate that, ceteris paribus, imports of sizeable commercial value to countries the Kremlin has long viewed as the mainstays of anti-Russian policies were far more likely to have been banned. In contrast, the evidence shows that Moscow stayed its hand in dealing with Europe’s major powers. This analysis both illuminates the policy objectives being pursued by a leading actor in world politics, as well as lays the groundwork for theoretically understanding the geostrategic, political, and economic drivers of countersanctions. 相似文献
986.
Morena Skalamera 《后苏联事务》2018,34(1):55-77
This study investigates whether, as part of a broader “Asian Energy Pivot,” Russia’s energy giant Gazprom refashioned its export strategy away from Europe, and what impact such a reorientation might have on the EU–Russia gas relationship. It uses four empirical cases to emphasize the domestic movers underlying Russia’s eastward shift in energy trade, developing a constructivist theory rooted in the dynamics of Russia’s dominant public narrative and the contours of domestic politics. It argues that Russia’s national interests changed as a result of how Russian policy-makers interpreted and reacted to the stand-off with Europe, in response to what they perceived as Europe’s attempt to isolate it economically and geopolitically. Russia’s Eurasianists, who had advocated the notion of a necessary turn to the East for a long time, positioned themselves as norm entrepreneurs and their new interpretation of the preexisting material incentives shaped the future course of action. 相似文献
987.
Ashwin Desai 《Journal of contemporary African studies : JCAS》2018,36(4):499-513
ABSTRACTThe Jacob Zuma Presidency (2009–2017) was dogged by persistent allegations of corruption and the looting of State Owned Enterprises (SOE’s) by those allied to him. It led to allegations of state capture that placed the Gupta family at the centre of this project. These allegations have been highly contested, with Zuma supporters arguing that he has come under attack because of his support for the BRICS alliance (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa), which they hold challenges Western imperial interests. Alongside this are those aligned to the Gupta family, arguing that the real culprits of state capture, both historically and in contemporary South Africa, is White Monopoly Capital (WMC), through its ability to determine macro-economic policy. At the heart of this contest is what has come to be known as tender-based capitalists who sought to use access to SOE’s for the accumulation of capital. This process has been defended on the basis that it has the potential to lead a radical economic transformation (RET) that that can challenge the power of WMC. Others have held that this argument is a mere fig leaf for the looting of state coffers, eroding its capacity for deeper developmental initiatives and fostering a parasitic class. This article that focusses on this debate that entered the heart of the African National Congress (ANC) and threatened to tear it apart takes the form of a conjunctural analysis; conjuncture defined as an amalgam ‘of circumstances, a convergence of events, an intersection of contingencies and necessities, a complex, overdetermined state of affairs-usually producing a crisis, leading to breaking point, driving to historic crossroads’ (Mowitt 2015, 125). 相似文献
988.
SUMMARYThis article analyses the debates that took place in the Congress of Argentina between the enactment of the constitution in 1853 and the end of the century, regarding the powers of the executive and legislative branches for intervening in the provinces in case of internal conflict or external attack. It focuses on the controversies arising from different bills submitted to congress in order to enact a general intervention act to resolve, once and for all, the powers of each branch in that matter. Although those bills did not pass, a study of them shows the existing disagreements about the operation of the federal system and the separation of powers. Some of the differences were linked to the discussion of American constitutional doctrine in which Argentina had been engaged since the mid nineteenth century in order to solve the dilemmas of organizing its political institutions. This article claims that this analysis contributes to ongoing debates on the roots of political conflict in Argentina by showing the importance of institutional controversies, and argues that it is necessary to address the role of congress and of doctrinal dissent in order to revise the role that historiography has given to the disputes over power as an overall explanation for political confrontations. 相似文献
989.
Xiuli Han 《South African Journal of International Affairs》2017,24(3):269-290
This article analyses the primary provisions of the China–South Africa Bilateral Investment Treaty (BIT) and illustrates that this BIT differs in many ways from South Africa’s BITs with Western countries. Given current shifts in international investment policy and law in both South Africa and China, this article suggests that it is necessary to carefully consider the future of the China–South Africa BIT, ultimately arguing that South Africa should adopt differential policies towards the China–South Africa BIT by maintaining or updating the existing BIT between these two nations. An updated BIT could act as a model for future South–South BITs and should integrate new elements which are in line with the development of international investment law, maintain a balanced interest between the host state and foreign investors, and conform to the fundamental realities of the partner countries. 相似文献
990.
夏金梅 《胜利油田党校学报》2008,21(1):65-68
随着经济的高速发展,我国居民收入水平普遍提高,但收入分配不均的程度也在日益加剧。我国城乡之间、行业之间、区域之间、城镇(或农村)内部的收入差距都不断扩大。收入差距扩大必将阻碍经济发展,必须采取有力措施,缩小收入差距,促进经济持续稳定发展。 相似文献