National Identity as a Means of Reducing Ethnic Negativism

This article discusses how national identity in Russia is understood by the public and among experts who study ethnic issues. The author separates the notion of national identity into categorical identity and associative identity (i.e., the consolidating type of identity which is based on a strong feeling of connection with other citizens). The latter type of identity is present only among a third of people who identify themselves as Russian. The author further analyses the connection of this type of identity with inter-ethnic negativism. She finds that national identity does not remove bias toward abstract “others.” However, it affects direct inter-ethnic communication in the labor and family spheres. The positive impact of national identity on inter-ethnic attitudes is more apparent in the Astrakhan region, which has longer experience of inter-ethnic communication. It is argued that one obstacle to national identity having a positive impact on inter-ethnic attitudes is the lack of a clear and consistent understanding of national identity among education experts, social scientists, and journalists. The study utilizes data from Wave 24 of the Russian Longitudinal Monitoring Survey conducted by the Institute of Sociology (“The dynamics of social transformation of modern Russia in the socioeconomic, political, sociocultural, and ethno-confessional contexts,” Wave 4) and several separate regional polls conducted by the Department of Ethno-sociology of the Institute of Sociology, Russian Academy of Science between 2014 and 2016.     

日本国风文化的特征与意义

国风文化是产生于平安时代中期以后的独具日本风韵的文化。其主要表现为净土信仰的流行、造型艺术的繁荣以及国文学的隆盛。以贵族为中心、以和风为主体的国风文化,对后世日本文化的发展与繁荣给予了深远而持久的影响。     

The Swiss: A Political Nation?

Abstract: Proponents of constitutional patriotism advocate the promotion of a political national identity. Whether a national identity founded on common political values is viable, however, remains a matter of dispute. The Swiss nation is one of the few empirical cases cited by those who argue that a political national identity can be a sufficient guarantor of institutional stability and social coherence; indeed, Switzerland is widely regarded as a prototype of the political nation. The aim of our analysis is to empirically test this claim. In doing so, we rely on classical typologies of national identity. We propose to use a more finely graded typology than the usual dichotomies, however – one which allows for combined types – and to focus on individual perceptions of national identity at the mass‐ and elite‐levels. The empirical analysis of whether the Swiss nation can correctly be classified as a political nation draws on data from mass and MP surveys. Our conclusion is that the Swiss imagine their nation in both political and cultural terms, and the essence of their cultural identity is Swiss linguistic pluralism and regional diversity.     

台湾与中华的交织：蒋渭水反殖民斗争之思想与实践——兼驳“台独史观”

蒋渭水是日据时期台湾本地新一代知识分子的典型代表,经历总督府医学校、文化协会、民众党三个人生历史阶段,其反殖民斗争思想逐渐走向成熟,政治上定位于中间偏左派。在为争取台湾人政治权益而斗争的同时,蒋渭水身上还体现出广大台湾民众所具备的强烈的中华民族意识和抵制殖民同化政策的坚韧民族性格,历史的事实足以证明所谓日据时期台湾社会走向“脱中国化”的“台独史观”是多么的荒谬。     

国家级专项规划群体决策的组织方式及其效果研究

国家级专项规划作为国民经济和社会发展五年计划纲要的重要组成部分,具有较强的专业性且编制和实施效果将影响国家某一领域未来5-10年甚至更长时间的发展。本文重点研究了国家级专项规划编制的历史沿革、规划的群体决策机制、规划群体决策组织方式的影响因素以及群体决策组织方式的实施效果,期望通过此研究为我国国家级专项规划组织方式的完善提供理论依据。     

党和国家的民族政策之历史小结

我国是统一的我民族的社会主义国家,党和国家历来十分重视民族工作,并积累了丰富的实践经验：即始终坚持把民族问题作为建设中国特色社会主义必须处理好的一个重大问题;始终坚持加强民族团结是党和人民事业顺利发展的基本保证;始终坚持民族区域自治制度是解决我国民族问题的根本政治制度;始终坚持加快少数民族和民族地区经济社会发展是我国民族政策的根本立场;始终坚持加强少数民族干部队伍建设是做好新时期民族工作的关键。     

Nationalist discourse and the ultra-conservative press in contemporary Poland: a case study of Nasz Dziennik

After the democratic transition to post-Communist Poland, ultraconservative groups found themselves legitimately able to propagate a nationalist ideology. They focused on an idea of ‘national identity’ that clearly and restrictively defined the boundaries of the national community. In the late 1990s a far-right movement supported by a radical faction of the Roman Catholic Church gained wide public support and, eventually, political legitimization. The fears of those for whom the transition of the socio-economic system did not bring a change for the better have been exploited by activists and institutions that consistently point to various foreign ‘threats’ (external and internal) against Poland’s political and economic independence and against national integrity. Starnawski analyses forms of anti-pluralist backlash as strategies undertaken by the ultra-conservative media. Provided is a case study of Nasz Dziennik, one of the major Polish newspapers to disseminate a far-right discourse that combines a concept of ‘national identity’ with radical Catholicism. Such nationalistoriented media use rhetoric that claims to be representative of the dominant group, and attempt to provide the audience with a restrictive sense of identity that is based on the construction of elements that are considered foreign and threatening to a sense of nationhood, a mobilization of the audience against foreign ‘threats’, and the exclusion or marginalization of elements depicted as incongruous with collective identity, especially the cultures of national and ethnic minorities (both ‘native’ minorities and recent immigrants), minority religions and alternative cultures, as well as liberal advocates of diversity. Since Polish society is in large part culturally homogeneous, its members are more often exposed to stereotyped images of minority groups than they are to face-to-face contact with members of minorities. Therefore, Starnawski argues, exploring the contemporary nationalist discourse in ‘pluralizing’ societies such as Poland is no less essential for the diagnosis of anti-democratic obstacles than studying the actual conditions of minority groups themselves. The future of social and cultural pluralism in Poland heavily depends on the majority’s awareness of diversity and its ability to promote attitudes of openness to and understanding of cultural differences on the one hand, and a readiness to extend the notion of ‘Polishness’ to a wide range of cultural and social categories on the other.     

The post-war paths of occult national socialism: from Rockwell and Madole to Manson

Kaplan takes an in-depth look at the religious and cultic aspects of American national socialism in the post-war era. Beginning with the founder of the American Nazi Party, George Lincoln Rockwell, in the late 1950s, he follows the development of occult beliefs and practices in the tiny and fractious American neo-Nazi movement. He emphasizes as well the brief turn to revolutionary violence in the 1970s through an examination of the National Socialist Liberation Front, and, finally, examines the attraction of Charles Manson and his followers to the occult fringes of the national socialist 'movement'. The article is built primarily on fieldwork, in-depth interviews with adherents of occult national socialist beliefs, and primary source materials from the 1960s to the present.     

构建畲族地区和谐社会的原则和方法

本文通过对浙江省云和县山脚畲村的田野调查，分析发现在当今的畲族地区，存在着畲族家法族规制度与国家制定法并存的现象，它们之间既有一致的地方，又存在着冲突。针对这种状况，提出了构建和谐社会，调适两者关系的原则与方法