论完善和发展民族区域自治制度(上)

民族区域自治制度具有博大精深的理论和制度体系 ,其巨大的政策和制度涵容量 ,本身就是一个永无穷尽的知识和制度宝库。本文从我国五大少数民族自治区均在西部 (含广西也已列入 )的国情族情入手 ,扭住完善和发展民族区域自治制度与西部大开发战略整体推进之间的正比关系这一重大主题进行全面而深刻的论述。作者认为 :无论是从民族区域自治制度本身还是以外的诸因素看 ,完善和发展民族区域自治制度都直接导源于国家稳定、民族团结、社会进步和经济发展等政治层面的根本利益所必须 ,直接导源于西部大开发重要战略决策顺利实现的总体需要。文章最后就如何完善和发展民族区域自治制度提出了具体设想。     

我国应建立刑事被害人补偿制度

刑事被害人补偿是指国家对一定范围内因遭受犯罪侵害而又无法通过其他方式获得损害赔偿的被害人及其家属,通过法律程序支付其一定的金钱加以救济的一种方式。我国应建立刑事被害人补偿制度．这既是与国际社会接轨的需要,也是保障被害人人权的需要;既是预防犯罪的需要,又是建设和谐社会的需要。     

Not Child's Play: Tactics and Strategies in Viva Cuba and Habanastation

Recognition of the national and international contexts in which Viva Cuba (Juan Carlos Cremata, 2005) and Habanastation (Ian Padron, 2011) were made and marketed highlights the coexistence of a pragmatic, tactical approach to filmmaking with the expression of specific, national concerns. Indeed, the two elements are inextricable, since both directors exploit the association of children with universality and the apolitical in order to pursue both personal and national goals, so that these films for children, about children must be seen not as child's play but as contracandelas: strategic and affective responses to uncertainty and threat.     

Who's European? Scotland and England Compared

In the Brexit referendum in 2016, Scotland voted 62 per cent Remain, and England 53 per cent Leave. This article explores whether this came about because more people in Scotland considered themselves ‘strongly European’ compared with people in England. Analysis of Scottish and British Social Attitudes survey data for 2017 shows that people in Scotland are significantly more inclined to say they are ‘strongly European’ (45 per cent) than in England (34 per cent), a finding that holds true across the spectrum of socio‐demographic and political variables. Nevertheless, the key predictors of being strongly European are similar in both countries: having liberal values, high levels of education, political party support, as well as being British, while in Scotland supporting the Scottish National Party and being in favour of independence are important. ‘Being European’ has taken on different meanings in Scotland and England as the aftermath of the Brexit referendum works its way through the political process.     

以第111号公约审视中国反歧视的制度建设

2006年1月12日,中国正式批准了《1958年消除就业和职业歧视公约》(第111号公约).5年来,中国社会在促进工作中的平等方面发生了哪些变化和进步？以第111号公约审视中国反歧视的制度建设,目前,中国在反就业歧视,促进工作中的平等还存在不少问题;促进工作中的平等方面,仍然任重道远.     

理解国家自主性的综合性框架

国家自主性是现代国家的一个基本特征,对国家善治也具有重要意义。我们理解国家自主性首先要把国家理解为一个具有自主行动特性的主体,而不是一个被动接受意志的客体;其次国家自主性不仅是主体的特征,而且受到社会客体力量的制约;再次,国家自主性能否体现出来,还与国家自身的能力有关,弱能力的国家将会受到社会的俘获而无法显示自主性。国家的主体地位、社会力量的制约与国家自身的能力大小,就是我们理解现实中的国家自主性的基本框架。     

National identity in the contemporary Baltics: comparative quantitative analysis

This paper is about contemporary national identity attitudes in the three Baltic states as ethnic democracies. It presents the results of a quantitative comparative study using data from the International Social Survey Program, collected in 2013. The parameters of comparison include the perceived importance of various national identity criteria and the pride in a nation’s achievements in various spheres. The results show that Baltic national identity focuses not on ethnic homogeneity, but on commitment and loyalty, to reflect upon the current situation more than the historical past, and to have the potential for the integration of ethnic minority members.     

后危机时代汉语话语权研究

本文在全球化金融危机背景下、提出汉语民族话语权问题,深刻揭示英语全球化与尴尬的汉语教育、汉语科技话语权以及网络汉语权所面临的空前危机。纵观世界各个民族语言的兴衰更替历史,阐述了汉语母语教育权与汉语话语权对国家与民族的巨大影响,提出应把汉语母语话语权放至与国家、民族主权以及政治、经济自主权等同等重要的地位,应大力加强全民汉语母语教育、全面提升汉语母语话语权地位。     

论经济法视角下中西方经济自由思想的发展

经济法中所蕴含的经济自由思想是通过对经济主体的经济权利（力）和义务的配置来实现的。中西方经济自由思想的发展历程以及在经济自由内涵上的共识对我国当前经济发展具有借鉴意义。经济自由作为一种经济理念,是人们期待社会经济所能达到的理想状态即在法律所允许的范围内的自主经济决策和经济行为;作为一种经济制度安排方式,是经济体制构建和经济政策的取向,也是经济自由的理念在经济生活中的现实化,其实质是在经济领域内各经济主体之间的权利（力）义务的配置要达到的一定比例关系。     

Three Modes of Thinking and Policy Orientation of Cultural Security

Three types of relations are entangled nowadays in dealing with issues concerning national cultural security on both the theoretical and practical levels: (1) the relation between one’s own culture and that of other ethnic groups; (2) the relation between advanced and underdeveloped parts of culture; (3) the relation between one’s ethnic culture and so-called foreign advanced culture as related to the previous two. Accordingly, three modes of thinking are likely adopted in handling issues concerning national cultural security: to antagonize one’s own culture with that of other ethnic groups, that is, taking the “me or you” attitude; to dualize cultures as the “advanced” and the “underdeveloped”, that is, believing things to be good if not bad, or vice versa; and to assert that the ethnic are the advanced, that is, taking the “only-megood” stance. It is a very demanding job to maintain national culture and to pursue cultural development at the same time. Only when cultures are grouped into those without distinction between the advanced and the underdeveloped and those with such distinction can the relation between the ethnic and the advanced be properly handled. With the former, it is essential to maintain the ethnicity of one’s own culture before the cultural security is safeguarded. With the latter, however, the pursuit of advanced cultures and the advocacy of the advanced part of a particular culture is a key to ensuring and safeguarding the national cultural security. Hence, it is important to enhance the public awareness of cultural security, and more essentially for the government to offer scientifi cally appropriate orientation towards cultural security and to frame related policies.